Naiche/Natchez

[coeurrouge]

Aug 28, 2021 9:15:01 GMT -5 naiches2 said:

Sherman Curley
From 'Experiences Of An Indian Scout, Part Two'(Arizona Historical Review, Volume 7 (1936))
Page 72 Note 46: Sherman Curley, an old-timer of the San Carlos people who died in January, 1934, was married to a Chiricahua woman. Mrs. Curley is still living.



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Not Always scout, Sherman...

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[naiches2]

I'm not sure if this is the same person

[saskia21]

You are probably right, she did have two daughters with similar names.

[coeurrouge]

Zhante (aka Djanate) could be a diminutive name of Yo-jai-go-zha-de ?

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[coeurrouge]

Eskiminzin was sent as prisonner of war in 1891 to Mount Vernon with the Chiricahuas, with his family except one wife. he was released in november 1894 and came back at San Carlos where he died after 30th of june 1895.

In census 1895 (30th of June) he appeared with 2 wives and 6 daughters (age correspond of Zhante's daughters). In 1896's census (30th of June), only his widow Hannah appeared with 4daughters( the last was born after 30th of june 1895). And Since this census Yonstay (aka Djanate, daughter of Gessemida and Sister of Nastasay and Zanyego) lived in the same band as Gessemida. It is said on books, as I remember, that Eskiminzin was friend of Cochise and had reltionship with the Chokonen's band. Coracita, Juanita and Bey-dal-gis-kenna could be Yonstay's daughters ?

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[coeurrouge]

There is no census in 1891. And the census of 1888 did not help much. Three census of Eskiminzin's family from 1888 to 1890

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Photo taken in may 1893 certainly several days after Hannah gave birth to a daughter. So If Zhante was married to Eskiminzin she was on left in the photo.

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[coeurrouge]

After one month of research and with the help of Saskia21 and Naiche2 who I thank a lot, this is what I conlude (maybe wrong).

Naiche had three half-sisters named Zanyego born c.1852, Jastessay (aka Nastasay, but I prefered the spelling Djataize)born c.1860 and Zhante (aka Yo-jai-go-Zha-de or Yonstai or Djanate) born c.1862.

They were daughters of Cochise and Gessemuday born between 1830 and 1835 and was certainly an older sister of Nahilzay. I make the supposition that Nahilzay, Gessemuday and Esquine had the same father, Miguel Narbona.

In end of June 1877, Naiche lived with his mother, his two wives, Yones and Gessemuday, his two sisters, his two half-sisters Djataize and Zhante, his nephew Naslada and his daughter or step-daughter (Taza was maybe the father)Dorothy.

Traditionnaly, the children of Chiefs were married in important Apache's family and Mangas Coloradas used it to have important alliance. I think his daughter, Dos-teh-seh, (who was the most influencial Chiricahua woman of her time, for me)used the same tradition for the same purpose with the children, the nephew and nieces of Cochise who lost their father. Naiche was married to a daughter of Eskinye, Naithlontonz to a son of Chiva, Das-den-shooz to a nephew of Chihuahua, Chie to a daughter of Mangas Coloradas and Chie's sister to Ponce a son of a previous influencial Chihenne's chief. So I think Zanyego, Djataize and Zhante were married to important men.

I think Zanyego was married to a Chiricahua warrior previous 1880s'. This husband was maybe killed during the 1880's war. Tah-de-tonn nephew of Naiche was her son and in the census he was always born c.1870 except since 1914. But Dos-teh-seh for the Whites was born c.1838 which was impossible because Taza born before 1845. I think Tah-de-tonn was not Howetdoan. The latter was always in the census born c.1880.

About 1880, while the Chiricahuas were in the subagency of San Carlos, I think Djataize married the Arivapai's chief Eskiminzin to bring a Pinal alliance to Naiche. I read that Eskiminzin was a friend of Cochise and I think this Arivapai's Chief was certainly an allied to Cochise during the 1860's war.

About 1883-1884, while the Chiricahuas lived near the agency of San CArlos, Naithlontonz married Gokliz a Pinal Apache and Zhante reunited with her sister marrying Eskimnzin as his wife.

Eskiminzin survived with only one of his children (Bonita) of the Camp Grant's massacre in 1871. He was the Apache's artisan of the creation of the San Carlos Reservation. All his wives killed, he married again c.1875 with a woman from his tribe whose nickanme was Hanna. In 1889 he had 3 wifes. Hanna and 2 others whose names, age and number/sex/age of their Children were quite similar to Djataize and Zhante.

In 1889's census with a woman named very like Djataize, Eskiminzin had a son born c.1880 and with a woman name very like Yontea (aka Zhante) he had two daugthers who I think later would be known as Anuje and Anajohe. When Eskiminzin was sent in Mount Vernon (from 1891 to 1894), because he was accused to help his son-in-law Apache kid only two wife accompagnied him, Hanna and Zhante, letting one wife taking care of his farm (book Apache's voices). In 1893 Nastasay (Djataize) lived with her mother Gessemuda.

When Eskiminzin died between november 1895 to 30th of June 1896, Zhante joined with her three daughters, in San Carlos band H her mother, sister, and Djataize's son Howetdoan.

In 1898, Djataize married a Pinal scout nicknamed Jim Curley, kelly and then Sherman Curley. This man when he was a very young man escaped to death, too, at the Camp Grant's massacre. In 1896 he had participated at the US Army expedition which killed Atelnietze (with whom APache Kid certainly raided sometimes), Djataize and Naiche's cousin.

Between 1905 and 1915 Anuje and Anajohe married two brothers, sons of Baylish and nephews of Bylas (killed by Victorio). Because of Naiche's intervention against Geronimo, Baylish had his life spared during Stevens' ranch's butchery in April 1882.

This is my guess.

[saskia21]

AZWeeklyCitizen_1884_April 12. John Clum recounts events of 1877: 

www.newspapers.com/clip/39361821/azweeklycitizen1884april-12-john/

[coeurrouge]

When Naiche reconnected with his all family, he noted that they lived near the Agency. They were administrated by the soldiers not the agent and they were fed more than they need. The sub-agency was closed since the departure of Chiva and his followers in April 1882, the Chokonens escaped from the shaking sickness. Nah-de-yole recovered from her illness, Naiche was certainly relieved all his family were fine and more relax than six months earlier.

Naiche met, two days after his comeback, “Tall Chief” Crawford. Crook ordered Crawford to interview all the chiefs, who stayed in Mexico, as soon as they put their feet in San Carlos. Crook wanted to know what they have done since he quitted them in Mexico. Crawford was the loyal and trust subordinate of Nantan Lupan and Naiche, like all the Chiricahuas, understood that.
Captain Crawford, born in 1844, was a soldier since 1861, officer since the end of the Civil War and was in different duties along the Frontier. Since 1875, he served most of the time under Crook. Taller as Naiche, he had a natural autorithy and was respected and liked by his men. Considering the Natives as Human Being, he treated them fairly. Listening others, however when he made decisions, he thought there were the best and he rarely admitted he was wrong, like Crook. As soldier, he confused Order and Justice. Crawford, since an agreement between the War Department and the Interior Office, was in charge for the Army of the Police in San Carlos and to administrate (controlled, fed and instructed them to become farmers and herders) the Chiricahuas and the White Mountains. The agent administrated the other tribes and was in charge to get the others supplies (clothes, tools, blankets…) to the tribes administrated by the US Army.

This dual administration made jealously among the other tribes. Fighting, with some killed, the Chiricahuas, the San Carlos and Tontos Apaches did not understand why renegades could keep their arms and were better fed than them. The agent Willcox militated to exile the Chiricahaus away from San Carlos and some of the Apaches joined their voices to please their agent and the Arizonians.
Naiche, like his fellows, felt that and understood that their only friends in the Reservation were “Tall Chief” and Nantan Lupan’s men. Among the Apaches and civilians in or outside the reservation, the Chiricahuas had friends but they were few and not powerful. The less hostile tribe was the Eastern White Mountain Apaches. Despite these, Naiche could not be completely trustful of “Tall Chief” because Crawford had an irrevocable default for Naiche, Crawford was a Blue Soldier.
During his statement to Crawford, Naiche explained with transparency what he and his Chokokens had done during the last five months. He eluded the fate of Charley McComas and expressed with a part of honesty and a part to please Crawford, his regrets to have left the reservation, in September 1881.

Waiting that the last Chiricahuas, mostly Bedonkohes and Nednhis, under Goyakla, Pedes-klinje and Zele reached the Reservation, the Chiricahuas in San Carlos spent the winter 1883-1884 near the Agency. They were mostly Chihennes and Chokonens. The Chokonens were united in one village while the Chihennes were divided on two. Anxious about their future and a little nervous with the bellicose talkings and behaviour of Kaathenay, they were contented of their situation at this time.
Naiche was surely proud to see his band united more than two years ago. It demonstrated that Naiche was a good chief for the Chokonens. He gained a new status as a warriors’ leader, he was more usefull of the life in a reservation and despite his humility, he could have more influence upon all the Chiricahuas. I think it was Dos-teh-seh’s ambition. This why, I believe, Naiche’s mother, between June 1883 and April 1884, married Naithlo-tonz to a Pinal Apache scout named Gokliz. This man was certainly a son of a former Pinal ally of Goci. Zhante, the younger sister of Naiche, joined her sister, Djataize as the third wife of the Arivapai’s Chief, Hashke-bansizin (Eskiminzin), still influencial in the reservation even he lived outside on his own ranch.

Crawford had several councils with the chiefs. He informed them that on spring they would have to work the ground by sowing and planting. With the blessing of “Tall Chief”, Jlin-tay-i-tith, Yo-tah-ah, Mangus and Kaathenay examined possible new locations for their people. They all agreed that the area around Turkey Creek was an excellent place to live for the Chiricahuas. Naiche certainly pleased too this choice which was ten miles southeast of Fort Apache. High in elevation, this location was covered by pine trees, had fresh water streams and creeks, plenty of grazing place. Also, gathering plants and hunting games were not scarces. Remembering their homeland, it was a place to camp in the traditional way of the Chiricahuas.
Zele arrived late in December, 28th of February 1884 it was the turn of Pedes-klinje and finally Goyakla returned in San Carlos at the end of March. Since the come back of Naiche and his Chokonens, the Chiricahuas brought from Mexico between two hundred and four hundred of horses and mules they stole in Mexico. Goyakla also had about two hundred heads of cattle. “Tall Chief” closed his eyes about the mounts but did not allow the shaman to keep his cattle. He seized the cattle, sold it to pay back the Mexicans stolen. Doing that, he did not put Goyakla in the best mood upon Nantan Lupan’s men. When Nezulkide with the remanents of Tandinbilnojui’s family arrived in San Carlos in May, all the Chiricahuas stated that there was no more Chiricahuas in Mexico. But I think some Nednhis with maybe some Chokonens and Bedonkohes hid in the Sierra Madre and were the first the White Eyes would call the Broncos Apaches or Ghosts of the Sierra Madre.

Waiting the agent to give him seeds and tools for the Chiricahuas, Crawford had to delay the transfer to Turkey Creek. Because a lot of his kinfolks knew well or some words of Spanish and English, Naiche and the other chiefs understood that the agent, hostile to the Chiricahuas and Crawford, did anything he could to annoy “Tall Chief”. They also understood that this fight had repercussion on their supplies. But knowing Nantan Lupan protected them, at this time, it was a minor aspect, for them, of their life in the reservation.
Before moving they have a sort of new pleasure. Franck Randall had the permission to photograph the Apaches in San Carlos. Certainly on April 1884, Randall photographed Naiche, his wife E-clah-eh, his mother, his sisters and his daughter. All the chiefs, some women and children were also photographed. They represented the five hundred-twenty Chiricahua’s survivors.

The Nedni’s band was over. The Nednhis still alived and free were scattered among the other bands or hidden, for a few, in the Sierra Madre. Most of the Nednhis in San Carlos camped with Goyakla.
The Chihennes were the more numerous but they were divided in two equal factions who did not like eachother, blaming grievances. The peaceful block led by Jlin-tay-i-tith had few seasoned warriors because most of them had been killed during the flee of San Carlos in April 1882. They would be loyal to Crawford or his subordinates. The other faction was more belligerent and skittish. Most of them had fought with Bi-duye and Kas-tziden. They were, at this time, led by Kaathenay with the blessing of Kas-tziden who keep a background influence. Mangus and his few followers were in the middle of the two factions. It seemed that Delzhinne, the older son of Tandinbilnojui, married during the year, Beshade, stepdaughter of Mangus and granddaughter of Bi-duye. This was why, I think, Tandinbilnojui’s family lived in Mangus’ ranchéria.
If since the Chiricahua’s reservation, the Bedonkohes rebuild their band, the disappearance of Esquine’s gota in 1880, the fact that Yo-tah-ah and Pedes-klinje mixed gotas became more Chokonen than Bedonkohe and the return in San Carlos put a definitve end about the Bedonkohes as a band. It surely brought a deep frustration in Goyakla’s heart. If Pedes-klinje and Yo-tah-ah still led their gota, becoming very loyal to Nantan Lupan, the old gota of Mahko explosed. It was divided in two extended families. The one of Zele lived near Pedes-klinje’s ranchéria. Zele also decided to follow the behaviour of Yo-tah-ah and Pedes-klinje, towards the White Eyes. The other extended family was the one of Goyakla more distant and reluctant with the Americans.
The Chokonens since the remove from their homeland in 1876 had lost half of their people, mostly by illness in the sub-agency and the others during fights, mainly against Mexicans and some against Americans. But they were united like they were at Goci’s death. They were together and had the same neutral behavior. Twenty to twenty-five warriors and their families followed one chief, Naiche, and knew that in case of trouble Kla-esch would be efficient to protect them. Naiche succeeded to restore unity on his band unlike the chiefs in the other bands. At the end of the winter, while Naiche maintained some distance with the Blue Soldiers, he showed more trust on Crawford. 13th of March 1884, he enlisted as scout for six months. Crawford named him sergeant.
If in 1860, the Chiricahuas had not much a tribal sense of belonging, in 1884 it was not the case. Despite their antagonism all the Chiricahuas wanted to stay together wherever they would move in the reservation. Fearing troubles and full occupped by administrating the White Mountain and Cibecue Apaches, Gatewood did not want the Chiricahuas moved near Fort Apache. At least he suggested to scatter them among the other tribes to keep eyes on them. He thought if the Chiricahuas felt less watched, some would escape again. If his thought seemed good, I think he was wrong. If Crook had followed his suggestion of scattering the Chiricahuas, it would stampeded them and certainly about half of them would flee from San Carlos. But Crook did not follow the idea and ordered the transfer of all the Chiricahuas from the agency to Turkey Creek area. Second Lieutenant Davis would administrate and oversee this tribe.

I think Crook and Crawford made three orginal mistakes. First, they did not apprehend a misunderstood with the Chiricahuas. In 1876, the remove from the Chiricahua’s reservation was accepted by the Chokonens only to maintain Peace but work like the whites was not in the deal with the Blue Soldiers, so they did not work much at San Carlos. In May 1883, all the chiefs were agreed to stop the war with USA and to follow the economic way of life that the Americans would teach them. In the agreement with Nantan lupan, US Army interference in their social life and traditions were not talked about and would not be allow by the chiefs, social’s traditions’ warrantors of their people.
If the first mistake was hard for Crook and Crawford to identify, the two others could be easily avoided. But they assigned Mickey Free as interpreter for Davis even it was known the Chiricahuas did not deeply like him. And the two officers underestimated the aura of Kas-tziden among all the Chiricahuas’ families.

Beginning of May 1884, the Chiricahuas reached Turkey Creek. But first they were put at work. They have to hurry to plant and to sow if they wanted to have some vegetable’s food during the year. Their appointed officer requested to testify at the inquiry against Crawford, two other officers, Roach and West, supervised the work. Roach had difficulties because the Chiricahuas did not know him but at last, end of May, the work was done. Their appointed officer took his post and released Lieutenant West, beginning of June. This officer was second Lieutenant Britton Davis.


NEXT 3.4.Nantan Enchau, Davis.

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3.4. Nantan Enchau, Davis.

Britton Davis, born in 1860, was a Texan. Son of a former Texas’ Governor, he was graduated in June 1881 at West Point. After a short first post in Wyoming, he was assigned in 3rd Cavalry in Arizona, spring 1882, as second lieutenant. His immediate superior was Crawford. He was in command of companies of Apaches scouts. Soon he was ordered to second Crawford commanding the Police in San Carlos. Each time Crawford quitted San Carlos to be on the field, the captain let Davis in full responsibility of the police in the reservation.
Davis, one of the younger officers of Crook, showed he was a very capable and determined officer who succeeded to manage the Apaches. Crook and Crawford noticed that. It was why, Gatewood full busy with the White Mountains and opposed to administrate the Chiricahuas, Crook and Crawford appointed Lieutenant Davis as Chiricahuas’ agent. The scouts who were under his order between June 1883 and march 1884, seemed to like him. All the Chiricahuas certainly respected him because Nantan Lupan and Tall Chief fully trusted Davis. Because of his overweight, he was nicknamed Nantan Enchau by the Apaches.

Crook and Crawford ordered him to make sure the Chiricahuas worked, be fair and carefull with his administrates and to not scare them. They advised him to use loyal Chiricahuas to control and to keep eyes on the rebellious people, especially Kaathenay. Davis would use spies and loyal scouts to inform him about what was going on the Chiricahuas’ ranchérias. In Turkey Creek, the Chiricahuas were allowed to camp away from each other. Davis made his base in a glade near Turkey Creek. I think Pedes-klinje, Yo-tah-ah’s gotas and Zele’s extended family lived upstream him. Jlin-tay-i-tith’s Chihennes lived downstream while Kaathenay’s gota lived above Davis’ camp on a ridge. Mangus and his followers, Naiche with all the Chokonens and Goyakla’s extended family choose to camp along the Little Bonito Creek, six miles east of Nantan Enchau.
All the Chiricahuas appreciated their new homeland. These mountains with its plants, games, trees and streams recalled to the Chiricahuas their loved mountains’ homeland. Homelands they knew where they would not live and camp anymore. But the new mountains also allowed to live away from the hostile tribes and their agent in San Carlos. The Chiricahuas could restore some relationship with the Eastern White Mountain tribe in which some Chiricahua’s chiefs and headmen had relatives.

Naiche and the Chiricahuas also liked the area because they obtained more freedom. They could camp to several miles from the eyes of the blue soldiers and renewed with some social traditions forbidden by Nantant Lupan and “Tall Chief”. Near San Carlos’ agency, living not far than two miles from the agency, in arid plains, it was quite impossible to do all their traditions. During their tradtionnal ceremonies, like the na-hi-es, or feasts the tiswin had to be offer to the guests. Tiswin was the Apache traditional beuverage which accompanied Chiricahua’s feasts like whiskey, beer, mescal, wine, vodka, champagne was for the white men.
Since years, for the civilian agents and Crook at this time, the making and the drinking of tiswin had to be forbidden because it caused mortal and dramatic events for the Apaches. It was part true but certainly in proportion less than in the American society. And for Americans drinking alcohol was allowed. It was less the tiswin than the anxiety, the sadness and the anger provoked by decades of war, by the losses of their homelands and by an unknown future which caused tragedies for the Chiricahuas.

The other social aspect that Crook forbade was the beating of the Apache’s wives. It was gentle and fair from Crook but, also in this case, the American’s society protected less the white women than the Chiricahua’s society hers. The beaten of the Chiricahua’s women increased because of the past wars. The Chiricahua’s society was matrilineal, the husband lived in his family-in-law. So, if he abused his wife, his father-in-law and his brothers-in-law would punish him. Only if his wife was infidel, the family-in-law did not interfere if the husband hit his spouse. But with decades of war, the husband was often the lone warrior in the family-in-law, so, no father or brother of the spouse could stop the husband.
In 1884, women were more numerous than the men among the Chiricahuas, it was why most of the warriors had several spouses. Several wives could mean continual tensions in each family and provoked domestic violence. As guarantor of the order, the chiefs were in charge to appease tensions in families and to punish men who crossed the line. For them, Nantan Lupan was not a Chiricahua’s chief, he had not to interfere in the Chiricahua’s social life and to act against their social leadership.
When Nantan Enchau Davis, early in June 1884, took his post at Turkey Creek, he remembered the Chiefs these two forbidden traditions decided by Nantan Lupan, all the chiefs expressed their unity against these orders. The Chiricahuas said to Davis some words which could resume in two sentences “Keep talking, it is our business, we do not care of these Nantan Lupan’s rules!” and “Americans clean their house first, we will maybe think about these rules after!” Outfaced Davis prevented the chiefs, he would apply the orders of Nantan Lupan but he understood even the moderate’s chiefs would never support these two rules.

But at this time, these rules were a minor aspect for everybody because a new life had to be built. The chiefs were all contented except two. One openly, Kaathenay and one quietly, Goyakla. The former who never really lived in a reservation was uneasy to depend of the White Eyes for nearly every supply and at his point of view, a Chiricahua’s chief by tradition had to supply his people. As a new chief, Kaathenay did not appreciate to be prevented to supply his gota.
Goyakla was another matter. He was surely happy his family was well fed and secure. But his plan was that the Chiricahuas lived in Eagle Creek, refused by Crook and he brought cattle in schedule to begin herding, Crawford seized the cattle. If Goyakla was annoyed, these facts were new elements of the main resentment of Goyakla. In May 1883, he anticipated that Nantan Lupan had broken his leadership upon the Chiricahuas but since March 1884, Goyakla realized that living in San Carlos he could never restore his leadership from his point of view because of Nantan Lupan and his men.

Naiche was certainly contented. His Chokonens, mostly the women, aspired to safe life without the constant threat of a brutal attack and they could keep fires during the night. They also wanted regular, full annuities and to avoid devils place like in the sub-agency. The life along the Little Bonito Creek offered that and more. They could again gather and hunt their traditional food, except apparently the mescal. Since 1876, it was the first time they could. The warriors maybe were missing a little the excitement of a raid but they were certainly happy to be more present beside their women and children and to not have to risk their life to supply their family.
Naiche who was basically more peaceful than other chiefs was contented of this situation. He was very less anxious because no more raids to plan, no more sentries to put, no more fear to mourn people, no more recurrent moves to lead, no more new camp locations to find and no more risky trades with the Mexicans. Also, with a looser watching than in the agency by the blue soldiers, he could manage his band as he wished, respecting the peace and the work he promised to do and to promote. He surely appreciated to be more present in his camp and to spent more time with his two children and his two wives.

But at the end of June 1884, a crisis erupted. Davis et lieutenant West ate for dinner, 21st of June, the turkey they hunted during the day. Just after they finished to eat a spy made the secret signal to give informations. She told Davis that a spirit saved surely the life of Nantan Enchau changing his way to hunt. Because if he had continued his way to the ridge where Kaathenay and his partisans lived, he would have been shot down by these men. According to the spy, Kaathenay and his band had a tiswin binge when they saw Nantan Enchau coming armed alone in their direction. Fearing an arrestation, Kaathenay decided to kill the lieutenant and quitted the reservation to Mexico, as told by the spy. This story seemed to be confirmed by the other spies.
True or not, these pleas were believed by Davis. Kaathenay since his arrival in the reservation was dissastified to live there and talked several times to leave. Crawford warmed him severly and let him a last chance, before punishment, to change his behaviour and to stop provoking a revolt. For Davis, Kaathenay used his last chance and had to be punished. He sent West to Fort Apache to request troops in schedule to arrest Kaathenay and to tranfer him to Crawford in San Carlos. Captain Crawford would judge him. Davis also summoned all the chiefs at sunrise 22nd of June.

As a scout, Naiche obeyed like the other chiefs. He certainly did not know the goal of Nantan Enchau, but the presence of Blue Soldiers behind the tent of Davis made nervous all the Chiricahuas remembering bad things. Because Kaathenay did not come at the first summon, Davis recalled him. During this delay, Davis certainly explained to the other chiefs his purpose and his reasons to arrest the young Chihenne’s Chief. Kaathenay finally showed himself with his followers all well armed and ready to fight. Without using the soldiers, Nantan Enchau succeeded to arrest the chief, Yo-tah-ah proposing himself to escort him to San Carlos.
Nantan Enchau had the support of Jlin-tay-i-tith, Yo-tah-ah, Zele and Pedes-klinje. Jlin-tay-i-tith was opposed to Kaathenay’s gota, Yo-tah-ah, Zele thought it was their interest to support Davis, like Pedes-klinje. But the former had surely some rivalry with Kaathenay since 1881. Naiche, Kla-esch, Goyakla and Mangus support neither Nantan Enchau nor Kaathenay. In fact, Kaathenay had only the blessing of Kas-tziden, all the other chiefs had enough of the bravado behaviour of Kaathenay and wanted no trouble with Nantan Lupan and his men.

Kaathenay, certainly living in Nayila’s gota, knew when he was a teenage boy and a warrior as way of life only warfare. He owned his chiefstain thanks to this way of life. So, the life in the reservation bored and disatisfied him. When he was very upset or arrogant, he maybe talked about leaving the reservation and go back to Mexico, but he never did an act of violence or a crime. After a quick and unfair trial, organized by Crawford, Kaathenay was sentenced to jail in Alcatraz, in the San Francisco Bay, during three years. He was condemned as a scout to have disobeyed of an order and by unknown witnesses to have talking words about going back to the warpath. Crook and Crawford wanted to do an example with Kaathenay and to give a lesson to the other Chiricahuas.
The lesson was learnt by the other chiefs but not the one that Nantan Lupan and “Tall Chief” thought. All the chiefs certainly understood that Nantan Lupan and his men could be unfair. Jlin-tay-i-tith, Yo-tah-ah, Zele and mainly Pedes-klinje understood that if they hoped Nantan Lupan’s help, they had to be loyal even if it would mean to kill another Chiricahua. Kas-tziden and Goyakla would remember that when warpath was in mind, they would do rather to act than speak off. Mangus, Kla-esch and Naiche would keep in their mind that Kaathenay was condemned to jail for three years far away from his family only because of bad words and unfriendly behaviour. Most of the time in their history, exile for the Chiricahuas meant death or at least, disappearance.

The arrestation and the exile of Kaathenay had two deep results. The mentor of Kaathenay, Kas-tziden was very upset and angry towards Nantan Enchau. The successor of the gota, he chose, was sent far away and could never come back. It forced Kas-tziden to assume again the chiefstain though his old age. Kas-tziden would be in a quiet hostility towards Nantan Enchau and he maintained this feeling in his gota.
In the other side, after supporting Nantan Enchau during Kaathenay’s arrestation, Pedes-klinje, wanting his family back from Mexico, decided to serve with a deep loyalty Nantan Lupan. He enlisted as scout 1st of July and was named First Sergeant. Pedes-klinje was the second of Goyakla since the end of 1876 on the warpath. Apparently, the zealous duties Pedes-klinje did after chocked and angered deeply Goyakla who saw another act to decrease his leadership upon the Chiricahuas. He, his partisans and Kas-tziden’s gota felt betrayaled by Pedes-klinje and began to hate him.

During this period, if Pedes-klinje and Naiche were not so close than before, their friendship was still strong. Despite what had written Betzinez, I do not think Naiche was angered by the sentence on Kaathenay, stunned maybe. If Naiche was angry, I think Naiche would never reenlist as a scout. Certainly well satisfied, 13th of September 1884, Naiche reenlisted as sergeant of scouts. It was Davis who registered the enlistment. Nantan Enchau owned respect from his administrates and living near the Chiricahuas, they knew better from eachother. Most of the Chiricahuas appreciated him, an officer more flexible with his principles than “Tall Chief” Crawford. I think, learning about their history and the several betrayals that the US Army done to the Chiricahuas, Davis began to have some doubts about his role in this Army.
During the summer Nantan Enchau without crisis obtained the release of white children hold as captives by Kas-tziden’s gota and by Goyakla. After a quiet and a very pleasant summer in Turkey Creek, the harvest followed which disappointed a little Davis but satisfied the Chiricahuas especially about the corn. Feeling a hard winter, the Chiricahuas decided with Nantan Enchau to move lower for their winter camps. Before the move they have a big feast to celebrate their harvest, their happy life in Turkey Creek and the winter coming.

[coeurrouge]

Aug 28, 2021 9:15:01 GMT -5 naiches2 said:

Sherman Curley
From 'Experiences Of An Indian Scout, Part Two'(Arizona Historical Review, Volume 7 (1936))
Page 72 Note 46: Sherman Curley, an old-timer of the San Carlos people who died in January, 1934, was married to a Chiricahua woman. Mrs. Curley is still living.



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Confirmed our guess. Sweeney "From Cochise to Geronimo" page 455 : "With Elliot was Sherman Curley, the San Carlos Scout who had married a daughter of Cochise." Read and read again is usefull...

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Beginning of November 1884, Davis moved his tent three miles north of Fort Apache along the White River. The Chiricahua’s ranchérias camped some miles east of him along the river or in the foothills of the White Mountains, in place sheltered as possible from winter winds. In mid-november, Nantan Lupan came to visit them. It was a happy council but the chiefs took their responsabilities and recalled the promises made by Nantan Lupan.
Expressing the fact they released their white captives willingly, the chiefs recalled the promise had made Nantan Lupan to do whatever he could to obtain the freedom of the Chiricahua’s prisoners in Mexico. Jlin-tay-i-tith spoke also about his relatives still at Fort Union. Crook swore he was acting with Mexican’s authorities to free their relatives. The General respected until his death his promise especially about the wife and children of Pedes-klinje. But in November 1884, none had been released yet.
They repeated, like in October, their need of blankets and winter clothes. It was their same claim than the previous fall. The Chiricahuas were dressed with the same clothes than they had when they came in San Carlos. These blankets and clothes were normally furnished by the civilian agent. But again, because of a bureaucrat fight initiated by Captain Crawford with the agent, the needed blankets and winter clothes would be delivered late during the winter, which was very cold and snowy, upsetting the Chiricahuas.

Crook, Crawford and Davis, after a quiet season, quicly forgot some factors about the Chiricahuas. While in their official letters they wrote these Apaches were prisoners of war, the Chiricahuas considered themselves undefeated and their warriors were still the best armed of all the Apache tribes. Most of the Chiricahuas trusted Crook and his men but, not at all, the US Army, so when Crawford was replaced in San Carlos as he wished, the Chiricahuas worried if Nantan Enchau and Nantan Lupan would be next.
Another factor Crook did not understand much. More than half of the Chiricahuas never really lived in a reservation. They were not used about the politic tricks and rumors spread. When people warmed by words or hands them, they did not think it was false or jokes. Others people who seemed friendly, playing with their fear pushed them to act badly in schedule to please, after, Crook and his men and to obtain favors.
For Naiche, his life in San Carlos was happier than before. His family was contented and a new member born. E-clah-eh gave birth to a new son during the winter. He was named Bas-na-kli. At this time Naiche was called Nantan by his people and maybe by Chiricahuas from other gotas. If the winter was hard, everybody was healthy and their future, still uncertain, seemed to be better than since a long time.

But close to Fort Apache, they could watch and listen the soldiers. Crook’s soldiers drunk like the Chiricahuas, spoke between them, or openly when their officers were not there, to punish the Chiricahuas. If they were well fed, the story with the blankets and Nantan Enchau arresting regularly tiswin drinkers and makers irritated them.  
The fact Nantan Lupan was still enable to allow their kinfolfk captives to join them in San Carlos, even Jlin-tay-i-tith’s family hold by blue soldiers in Fort Union, annoyed them. Remembering “Tatte Grande” Howard, they thought Nantan Lupan had the same powers over all the whites in the southwest, but they realized, I think, during the winter that he was not so powerfull they thought.

The leaderships were changing too. Kas-tziden, Jlin-tay-i-tith and Goyakla aging, over sixty years old, were losing their influence outside their gota or extended family. If the formers were glad of that, the latter was certainly discontented about that. The generation after them, Kla-esch, Zele, Yo-tah-ah and Mangus did not want to take the responsabilities of a chief’s band or had not the power to take it.
The leaderships moved to Naiche’s generation. With Zele losing his credit, being enable to manage well the relation between his wives, Noche, his son or nephew, was emerging as the headman of the extended family. Kaathenay represented a belligerent behavior, Pedes-klinje led the very loyal part with the US Army and Naiche opted for a neutral behaviour. Kaathenay exiled in Alcatraz showed that a bellicose conduct was dangerous. If Pedes-klinje had followers very loyal, by his new fidelity with Nantan Lupan he provoked much antagonism against him.
Naiche seemed to have the behavior that pleased to the majority of the Chiricahuas. He maintained a true and quiet distance with Nantan Lupan’s men but keeping his promises of peace and to follow the economic way of life instructed by Nantan Enchau. Dos-teh-seh had maybe the ambition that his son would become a tribal’s chief. Chief of the Chokonens, his bloodline, his family’s connections in several gotas, with the Pinals and Eskiminzin, his friendship with Pedes-klinje and usefull with reservation’s life, Naiche had a peacefull mind but respected and defended the social’s traditions.

If Davis and others officers called him a dandy’s chief, Naiche just followed his father’s example to be always well dressed and presented when he met, as a chief, guests or when he assisted a council with strangers. Naiche seemed to be more active in his role as chief, acting always with dignity. If it was the plan of his mother, Naiche could become a tribal chief with time. But, unfortunately, living near the Chokonens, were Mangus and Goyakla.
Mangus, uncle of Naiche, was the youngest’s son of Kan-da-zis-tlishishen, was always under the leadership of another chief, Salvadora, Bi-duye then Kas-tziden. He became a headman because he was the only warrior alived from his family and from Bi-duye’s family. Naiche was always, wrongly for me, described as easily influenced but it was Mangus who was under influence. When he fled with the Chihennes under the command of his father-in-law, Kas-tziden and his two remaining brothers, his wife, daughter of Bi-duye, and his children where captured in September 1877 or followed back to San Carlos Jlin-tay-i-tith, in November 1878. Esquine and his Bedonkohes fled too at this time.
Single Mangus had to get a wife to cook meal to him and to take care of his home. It was why I think he married with Tze-gu-jun (Huera), maybe in the beginning of 1880, a Bedonkohe woman, certainly widow, from the old Mahko’s gota. Tze-gu-jun was much respected as a medicine woman and was considered expert as a tiswin’s maker. She disliked the White Eyes and hate the Mexicans and was very upset about the rule forbidding the use of Tiswin. The making of this beuverage was a social and economic value for her. She can had the support of Goyakla whom she knew because they were from the same Bedonkohe’s gota. By this link, Mangus was closer and more under the influence of Goyakla than before.

Goyakla never stayed on a reservation more than twenty-two months in a row. Except in the Chiricahua’s reservation but it was because he could raid in Mexico easily. I think Goyakla, unconsciously, loved more his freedom than the safety of his family. His body was used to often travel great distances in all the Chiricahua’s territory. The lack of moves, under the control of enemies, borders he could not cross without US pass, bad experiences in San Carlos and his past war actions made physically and mentaly nervous Goyakla. Always suspicious about every signals he saw or heard pushed him to become paranoid. Each bad words, jokes and gestures were necessarly interpreted as a threat by Goyakla. And each time, he was in that state of mind, he chosed what his mind and his diyin called for, freedom in the warpath.


NEXT : 4. Dramatic Outbreaks.

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4.Dramatic Outbreaks.

4.1.Goyakla lied to Naiche.

After four months, certainly enough to live near Fort Apache and his soldiers, the Chiricahua’s chiefs decided to move back to Turkey Creek and Little Bonito Creek, late of February 1885. Less hung up, little disappointed by the release of their relatives not done at this time, little irritated by arrestations against tiswin drunkers and makers and more confident, the chiefs felt rightful to have claims for their people. The chiefs living along the Little Bonito Creek knew Nantan Enchau had secret spies. They did the same thing with some of their warriors enlisting as scouts like Yahe-chul, Tsinah, Cathla and Atelnietze.
Naiche, always distruthfull about the soldiers, put more distance with them. Discharged 12th of March, he did not reenlist as Kla-esch. The two seemed to act as one for the Chokonens. In March, Nantan Enchau asked the chiefs the names, sex and age of their kinfolks captured by Mexicans at Tres Castillos battle, at Rio Alisos slaughter, at Casas Grandes treacherous attack and at el Cascada del Satachi’s fight. He informed the chiefs that ordered by Nantan Lupan, he made a list which would be sent to Mexico to aid the release of their relatives.

Spring coming, they worked at their fields along the East Fork of the White River. As the time before Naiche born, the women did the most on the fields while the men hunted. All were proud of their work representing a new beginning for each of them to support themselves. In April some good news were told. First, Jlin-tay-i-tith’s family hold at Fort Union would be transfer to Turkey Creek in a month. Nantan Enchau also told that annuities for the Chiricahuas, stayed in San Carlos would be distributed in beginning of May at Fort Apache. Finally, late of April, he announced that because of Nantan Lupan’s obstinacy thirteen Chiricahua’s women had been released by the Chihuahans, late in march 1885.
I think these announces brought a mixed feeling towards the chiefs. Sure, the release of their kinfolk was good news but for Jlin-tay-i-tith’s family, it came late and for the Mexican’s prisoners, they had been just released, not help to return with their tribe. In fact, four of the women would die during their six months’ return from Cuidad Chihuahua to Fort Apache, all on foot. The delivery of their annuities, blanket and winter’s clothes, was done after the winter which confirmed for some chiefs that Nantan Lupan did not own all the power he said. But I think, the good events anyway, convinced some chiefs among them Naiche and the others living along the Little Bonito Creek, they were right to claim, it paid off. I think Naiche was glad that promises made by Nantan Lupan began to transform in reality and he surely told his band this feeling.

The Chiricahuas went to Fort Apache 10th of May. They quitted their upper camps to receive the awaiting annuities. Present was Captain Pierce who had replaced Crawford in San Carlos. The Chiricahuas did not know him. The evening of the delivery, the Chiricahuas organized a dance which some officers assisted. Encouraged by his father and the others warriors, Paul danced with skill beside them, certainly making proud Naiche. The day after the chiefs presented proudly their fields along the East Fork to Pierce and the morning 12th of May acompagnied by Davis and Pierce, the Chiricahuas returned to their upper camps in schedule to have a pleasant warm season as they had the year before.
This day after dinner with Davis and Pierce, Naiche was the first to make a speech, standing on a wagon thanking the benefits of Peace. The fact that Naiche spoke first while chiefs like Jlin-tay-i-tith and others were present showed that he began to gain the status of Nantan outside his band. Pierce and Davis passed the night there and left the area the day after. Davis came back in his headquarters near the Chiricahua’s field in the East Fork, about ten miles away from the Chiricahuas camp especially along the Little Bonito Creek. With Nantan Enchau were most of the scouts leading by Pedes-klinje.
At this moment, I think Goyakla saw opportunities to get back his leadership over Nantan Lupan among the Chiricahuas. He certainly thought that if he succeeded to mollify the fordidden rule on the tiswin, he could restore his power on the tribe. He knew that, like him, almost all the tribe was irritated by the rule made by Crook fordidden the use of tiswin. They were annoyed because it was not in the deal with Nantan Lupan when they accepted to return in San Carlos and since the comeback, Crook avoided serious discussion about that.

With “Tall Chief” replaced by Captain Pierce in San Carlos, Nantan Enchau, Pedes-klinje ten miles away from his camp and the women coming back at Little Bonito Creek with corn sprouts Goyakla put in place his plan. He organized a big feast with a lot of tiswin which would involve most of the warriors and all the chiefs except Pedes-klinje. Then they would ask what Nantan Enchau and Nantan Lupan would do, hoping the rule would be less strict. Goyakla had two allies, Kas-tziden, his brother-in-law who disliked Nantan Enchau and wanted some revenge towards him and Tze-gu-jun, the wife of Mangus.
Tze-gu-jun could convince her husband, other women makers of tiswin and through them their husbands to participate the feast. Kas-tziden could convince Mangus and other Chihennes even in Jlin-tay-i-tith’s gota. Goyakla would convince easily Klas-esch, because he was the chief very bitter against this rule, and Zele’s gota because of their old relationship to participate. Through Mangus and Kla-esch they also could convince Naiche and by domino effect Jlin-tay-i-tith and Yo-tah-ah. Naiche agreed about the claim, he certainly judged unfair like many Chiricahuas and would participate.
After the feast the plan was all the chiefs and headmen would come in front of Nantan Enchau’s tent to provoke the discussion. They chose Jlin-tay-i-tith as their spokesman which was smart because he was the more peacefull of them and known like that by the soldiers. But if their claim was fair, the way, provocation, they chose and the fact Goyakla, Kas-tziden and Mangus were the ringleaders were not the best ideas. Goyakla and Kas-tziden were hate or disliked by Crook and his men and Mangus had no charisma.

14th of May, the feast took place in Mangus and Goyakla’s camp, all the day and night. For most of the Chiricahuas it was just a feast to celebrate their happiness of their new life there. But for Goyakla and the chiefs it was a way to express their opposition about the interference by Crook in their social life defended and controlled by the chiefs. Eighty percent of the warriors participated. During the feast the chiefs finalized the plan and decided to confront Nantan Enchau at sunrise the next morning. Naiche seemed to have a good enjoy to participate and drank a lot of tiswin during the day and the night. Apparently, there was no brawl et no one was injured during this feast allowing the chiefs to do the next step of their plan confidently.
At the end of the night thirty men moved to the East Fork. They were poor armed proving they were not anxious and hostile in their claim. Jlin-tay-i-tith would express as their spokesman that they wanted the same right as the Whites to drink their beuverage and to open discussion with Nantan Lupan about his forbidden rules. All the chiefs came except Pedes-klinje who had not participate. Naiche, Kla-esch and other men were still drunk when they arrived in front of Davis’ tent early in the morning 15th of May, 1885.

When Davis came out of his tent, he was surprised to see all the chiefs who expressed their wish to talk. Allowing them to enter in his tent, Davis understood that all had a hard drink because some were still drunk while others were hung over. Jlin-tay-i-tith, translated by Mickey Free, began to express their claim with time as the good orator he was. But Kla-esch who was not a man of talkings, interrupted him and said that Nantan Lupan had no right to interfere in their social life and to forbid them to use the same pleasure as his soldiers. Davis explained that it was for their best, telling of the past month event as example. But this example only showed, surely in the eyes of the chiefs, they had no need of these rules to handle it.
When Davis talked about stopping to beat their wives, Kas-tziden recalled him while leaving the tent, that Nantan Enchau was a child beside him. Finally, the talking stopped when Kla-esch defied Davis asking him if he put all the men in jail and what he would do. Davis answered he would report to Crook and transmit the response as soon as he got it. Mid-morning, the chiefs returned to their camp satisfied by the deal and their action. Naiche as others never talked but he certainly shared the words expressed by Kla-esch. Davis knew quickly which women made the tiswin used the day before and would understand which Chiefs planed this feast.

It seemed that after the alcohol’s effects were gone, Mangus, Kas-tziden and mainly Tze-gu-jun and Goyakla understood that. If Chiricahuas would be arrested, the four would surely be put in jail by Nantan Enchau. All the other chiefs were not anxious because Crook did not act impulsively and the majority, trusting him, thought he would treat them fairly. But Nantan Lupan was known to decid quickly and a day after their provocation, Nantan Enchau had no answer to tell. The waiting was too much for Goyakla who became very nervous and finished certainly to state that he would be arrested, send away from San Carlos or maybe executed.
During 16th of May, Nadiskey, a White Mountain Apache, friends of the Chiricahuas, told to Mangus and Goyakla the rumors he heard at Fort Apache. Nantan Lupan ordered Nantan Enchau and his scouts to arrest the two leaders, send them with Kaathenay and exiled their families far away from Arizona. Goyakla believed Nadiskay. Tze-gu-jun agreed and added fuel defying the shaman and her husband to act. Goyakla decided to leave again the reservation, fearing for his life. I think Kas-tziden, fearing too bad things decided to join him. Mangus, surrounded by people, Goyakla, Kas-tziden and her wife who influenced him and wanted to leave, decided to quit the reservation.

The plan was apparently to flee in the old homeland of Mangus’ father north of Santa Rita del Cobre in New Mexico. They informed their intentions only the Chiricahuas leaving along the Little Bonito Creek, to avoid denunciation. Goyakla also asked his young men Yahe-chul and Tsinah, who were with Davis, to come back. Goyakla, Kas-tziden and Mangus thought to escape with all the inhabitants of their camp. The three chiefs knew they could count surely about twenty-seven warriors of their camps, I think. They wanted more allies.
It was why, while their followers prepared the escape, Goyakla and Mangus tried to convince the Chokonen’s chiefs to leave with them. But it failed. Naiche and Kla-esch did not share their anxiety and did not believe Nantan Lupan would act to hard because during the feast there had been no trouble and violence. Kla-esch trusting Crook seemed to be sure they could find an agreement with Nantan Lupan. If Naiche, who did not like Crook, was less confident about Nantan Lupan, he was more usefull about the reservation’s life than Mangus and Goyakla. Naiche certainly did not believe what Nadiskay said. Maybe the chiefs risked some days of jail but not exile and at last not death. The two Chokonen’s chiefs showed more cold blood than Goyakla and more independence of mind than Mangus.

If Goyakla asked for Yahe-chul and Tsinah to come back, it was to inform them and ordered them to stay beside Davis to not alarm the officer and getting time to the outbreakers. After Davis would know of the escape, the two brothers would join Goyakla. Did he order them too the killing of Davis and Pedes-klinje before or after the refusal of Naiche and Kla-esch to join the escape? It is unknown. But in Goyakla’s mind the killings had sense. Like they had done in April 1882 with Sterling’s ambush, the killings of Davis and Pedes-klinje would break the determination of the closer persuers the outbreakers would have.
Because of the refusal of Naiche, Goyakla delayed the departure. 17th of May, his two men returned at East Fork with another order, I think. Yahe-Chul and Tsinah had to inform other scouts still close to the chiefs living along the Little Bonito Creek, that all the chiefs were fleeing outside the reservation. When Yahe-chul and his brother left the camp, Goyakla did not know if the Chokonen’s chiefs would leave. In the same time the scouts loyal to the shaman returned to their duties, Goyakla, sure it would be done, informed Naiche and Kla-esch that his men killed Davis and Pedes-klinje. This news astonished the two Chokonens. The shaman was certain Naiche and Kla-esch would not have another choice than to join the outbreakers.

He was right. If Naiche and Kla-esch thought their provocation of 15th of May was a little matter for Crook, the killings of two of his trusted men at least Davis, was a tremendous affair. Kla-esch having expressed the wish of everybody could be identified as a ringleader and risked the worse after Goyakla. Naiche close to these two men would be certainly accused to be partner of the murders. It was very likely that Atelnietze and Cathla joined the murderers, involving the Chokonen’s chiefs.
Naiche and Kla-esch remembered certainly that after the Cibecue revolt, a lot of chiefs were arrested and wrongly accused. The two thought surely that Kaathenay was condemned three years of jail in Alcatraz only because of bad words. So, accused of murder by association, staying in the reservation, they would risk much worse than Kaathenay maybe a death sentence. And the Whites executed the death sentence by hanging, Naiche had watched his other “father” being hung. Feeling their life was threatened and that their only way to save it was to flee, Kla-esch and Naiche decided to leave the reservation and to follow the original outbreakers.

I think Naiche was angered but mostly very upset towards Goyakla who put him in a very unconfortable situation which threatened him and his family. At 5:00PM, 17th of May 1885, he fled again San Carlos with Kla-esch and fifteen Chokonen’s warriors, but this time he was forced because of Goyakla’s deadly order.

Next : 4.2.144 Outbreakers.

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4.2. 144 Outbreakers.

Unlike September 1881, this time the outbreakers had no real plan and were not united. If Mangus and Goyakla seemed to try a living in Chihenne’s country, the Chokonens seemed to want just to put distance between them and the pursuers allowing them to have time of reflexion for the next step. The renegades fled East, the warriors across rough ground while children and women escaped more easily by another way. Their goal was the Eagle Creek and after the Mogollon Mountains in Bedonkohe’s old territory.
Even they disturbed the soldiers by cutting the telegraph, it was not good enough because 18th of May Naiche and his fellows saw, less than ten miles behind them, soldiers and Apache scouts on their trail. But surprisingly, the pursuers stopped their march at 2:00 PM. The outbreakers took advantage of this halt to put more distance between them and the soldiers, about sixty miles. It was time to rest for everybody. I think Naiche and Kla-esch hoped to return in Turkey Creek, explaining they were not responsible. I think their plan was to camp sometimes, hided in the Mogollon Mountains hoping time would allow cold reaction from Nantan Lupan. This was why, I think, their men did not participate on the raids along Blue Creek and Little Blue Creek in New Mexico.

So, 19th of May, they camped in the foothills of the Mogollon Mountains near the San Francisco River, north east of the junction with Devils Creek. They were separated in two camps, the Chokonens in one and the followers of Goyakla and Mangus in another. It shows that Naiche and Kla-esch were angry or upset towards Goyakla and Mangus and wanted to avoid living in the same place with them. This day, Naiche visited his uncle and Goyakla and discussed with them. What kind of talkings had Naiche with them? Did he try to reason them and to come back or did he express his bad feelings and require explanations about the murders or did he share his view of the next steps? I do not know.
At the same time, Goyakla and Mangus’ raiders returned with plunders. With them were the four scout deserters, Yahe-chul, Tsinah, Cathla and Atelnietze. Each joined their own camp. Kla-esch learned by Cathla and Atelnietze that they did not kill Pedes-klinje and Nantan Enchau. Kla-esch became very bitter and swore to shot down Goyakla because his lie which put the Chokonens on a critic situation. With Ulzana and another warrior he went to Goyakla’s camp.

Goyakla and Naiche learned the news certainly by Yahe-chul and Tsinah. Goyakla understood that his pretention of the killings was false and surely enraged Kla-esch, enough to threat his life and Mangus too. The two decided to leave hastily. Naiche stayed with them. I think Naiche was more disappointed and betrayaled than angry about the behaviour of Goyakla. His last mentor, alived, lied to him, even it was not in purpose the shaman tricked Naiche anyway. It was since this time, I think, that their relationship was broken and, in the future, if Naiche was beside Goyakla, it would be by necessity of survival not by friendship.
I think the four scouts alerted all the outbreakers that it was Pedes-klinje who led the Apache scouts against them. While Naiche was with his uncle, Kla-esch led the Chokonen’s outbreakers north in Mogollon Mountains between Eagle Peak and Apache Creek, I think. The Nednhi headman, Nat-cul-baye decided to also separate from Goyakla and to go south. He certainly thought it was better to go to Bugatseka in Mexico. With his family were also, Beshe, Nah-Bay, Nezegochin, Kilthdigai, Hunlona and their family.

Mangus, Goyakla travelled east along Devils Creek, Naiche among them. It seemed that the Chokonen’s chief fled without his family from the reservation. They did not go very far, maybe ten miles east just to escape Kla-esch angry revenge. Three days after, they saw troopers with White Mountain Apache’s scouts, on their trail. The three chiefs decided to ambush the soldiers in Devils Canyon to protect their camp and their women and children. They were happily surprised to see the officer ordering a lunch halt in the canyon to his troops, at midday.
With Naiche, Goyakla and Mangus were also seventeen warriors: Ischi, Yahe-chul, Tsinah, Yanozah, Chinche, Ahnandia, Dah-ke-yah, Naclede, Nezulkide, Pet-zahn, Nachol, Len-sey, Seeltoe, Delzhinne, Azariquelch, Goso and Daklegon. It was a heavy fight of gunshots. The Chiricahuas after panicking the scouts when they climbed the ridge, were dislodged outnumbered, by lieutenant Parker and his troopers’ charge. The warriors succeeded to escape without casualties. Naiche, with Chinche I think, quitted the others to join Kla-esch.

The fight certainly and finally convinced Naiche that a peacefull return in the reservation without retaliation was hopeless. He surely saw the casualties among the soldiers and the scouts, some were perhaps killed . Naiche certainly thought Nantan Lupan considered him, at this time, as a bellicose leader of the outbreakers deserving hard and maybe deadly punishement. When he joined Klas-esch and the other Chokonens, 23rd of May, he told them his feelings. I think Naiche convinced too Kla-esch. The two decided to lead their people in a more safety place in Mexico, across Arizona, Goyakla and Mangus attracting the soldiers southeast of them.
Naiche ordered two men to come back in the reservation, in schedule to bring his family. The two men were surely Chinche and the very loyal “brother” Atelnietze who had their families stayed too along the Little Bonito Creek. Ten other Chokonens, only women and children, fled with these two warriors, 28th of May. They would be the last Chiricahua’s outbreakers in 1885. Who were these 144 outbreakers? I make a list below which countains maybe some mistakes.

• The Chokonens:
Naiche (29), his wife Nah-de-yole (27) and their son Paul (8); his wife E-clah-eh (26), their daughter Deh-kluh-kizhee (9-Dorothy) and their son Bas-na-kli (some months).
Atelnietze (37), his two wives unknown, a child unknown and his teenage son Satsitnitsu (14).
Nah-dozinne (45-Nazee) his two wives Ee-lold-lahm and Bah-na-geay?
Sta-losh (40) his wife Dishtel (30?) their daughter Be-kiva (9) and their son Willy Tally (1).
La-zi-yah (45), older brother of Nah-bay, and his Chokonen wife unknown (35?).
Kla-esch (53-Remigio/Chihuahua), his wife Be-che (35) their daughters Baetan-hichan (11-Ramona) and Mabel (1); his wife Ilth-gozey (31) and their sons Eugene (5-Hardcase), Tom (2) and Osceola (1).
Unknown Mother-in-law (?) of Kla-esch, mother of Ilth-gozey, and her daughter Tas-de-the (25)
Ulzana (55-Julian/Jolsanny), older brother of Kla-esch, his wife Nas-ish-lah (40) and their teenage sons Jolsanie (16) and Pel-coy (14-Thomas Jolsanny); his wife Nah-zis-eh (30), relative to Nah-de-yole, and their sons Adam (8) and another unknown (5).
Cathla (50-Colle), his wife Marcia Ju? (45), maybe relative to a wife of Ulzana, and their daughter Nelly Gray (15).
Eskinye (30?-Mahshoo-eedish-koh), maybe relative to Nah-de-yole, his wife Nelly Bill (25?), daughter of Cathla, their son Bezine (10-Vincent Beziyah) and their daughter Bessie Beziyah (8).
Moh-tsos (35) and his wife he just married Nah-zitz-ohn (20).
Shoie (28) and his wife unknown.
Itsah-dee-tsa (25-José Second), his wife Huana (25) and their daughter Kuka (3).
Tsinolthos (19), nephew of Kla-esch, and his wife Oh-kis-say (17).
Two single warriors Tah-ni-toe (30), close friend of Naiche, and Zhonne (20), son of U-go-hun.
Three teenage boys Dodostenay (16-Harold), nephew of Kla-esch, Bictonsewah (15), relative to Kla-esch by adoption and Biete (13-Victor), relative to Nah-zis-eh.
Two teenage girls Tsalth-zay-nah-zizzy (15), sister of Biete, and Anosaien (14).
One orphan boy Ezunnah (8), relative to Tsinolthos.

• The Chihennes:
Kas-tziden (85-Nana), brother-in-law of Tudeevia, and his wife Nah-dos-te (66), older sister of Goyakla.
Eskineltze (60), son of Tudeevia.
Mangus (39) his wife Tze-gu-jun (38-Huera); his wife Dilth-cleyhen (37), daughter of Bi-duye, his stepdaughter Chestuen (13-Elsie Van Chestuen), their daughter Cora (11) and their son Tsil-tsoe (9-Franck).
Nezulkide (39), older brother of Kaathenay, and his wife Counteza (22?-Hulda Kinzhuna) and their son unknown (1).
Pet-zhan (40-Frijole) and his wife Toe-bilth-o-tozun?
Nachol (?), his wife unknown and two children unknown.
Delzhinne (20), oldest son of Tandinbilnojui, his wife Bes-hade (18), stepdaughter of Mangus.
Seeltoe (21) and his wife Tonse? (18) sister of Kayitah and cousin to Yanozah.
Four single warriors Azariquelch (19-Zachia), cousin of Delzhinne, Len-sey (18- Gilles Lancey), Goso (17-Ira) and Daklegon (16-E-zhoo-tey?), brother of Delzhinne.
Three widows Bey-gin-shoos (65) aunt of Mangus, Cha-li-ta? (?), widow of Tandinbilnojui and another unknown widow of Tandinbilnojui.
Three teenage boys Istee (13- Charles), half-brother of Dilth-cleyhen, Daklugie (13-Asa), youngest son of Tandinbilnojui and Chachu (12), nephew of Mangus and certainly a son of Cassori.

• Goyakla’s extended family:
Goyakla (62-El Cautivo/Geronimo), his wives Chee-hash-kish (50-Mañanita), Shtsha-he (?); his wife She-gah (35), cousin of Naiche, their daughter unknown (5) and their son Little Robe (2); his wife Taz-ay-slath (25-Zi-yeh), daughter of Djelikine, their sons Fenton (5) and an unknwon son (2).
Ischi (35-Perico), relative to Goyakla, his wife Ha-dun-key (30), relative to Tah-no-klisn and their son Harry (1).
Chinche (35), brother of Ponce, his wife Cah-ga-hasky (20), maybe a relative to Nochlon or Dah-ke-yah, their two sons Charles Martine Jr (1) and unknown (nine months -Sam Adams).
Yanozha (31), brother of She-gah and his wife Tsikadah? (17).
Dah-ke-yah (24) his wife Dohn-say (20-Lulu), daughter of Goyakla and Chee-hash-kish, and their daughter Nina (4).
Tsinah (21), half-brother of Ischi and his wife Loozah (17-Lucy).
Yahe-chul (19-Fun), half-brother of Ischi and his wife Taht-zil-toey (20).
Naclede (19-Chappo), son of Goyakla and Chee-hash-kish and his wife Nochlon (15), relative to Nezegochin or Ni-yah.
One single warrior Ahnandia (25), relative to Goyakla.
One teenage boy Kanseah (14-Jasper), great nephew of Goyakla and orderly of Yanozah.

• The few Nednhis:
Nat-cul-baye (60-José Maria Elias), his wife Ejonah (51) and their son Alchintoyeh (10-Regis); his wife unknown and their teenage boy?
Beshe (69), his wife Tascenola (60); his wife U-go-hun (57) and their daughter Ha-o-zinne (17).
Nah-bay (40), younger brother of La-zi-yah, his wife Glee-nay? (40) and their daughter unknown (1).
Nezegochin (36), his wife Ni-yah (35) their daughters Nahn-ichkiah (9-Alice), Leo-shanne (6-Charlotte) and Chachee (4-Hattie).
Kilthdigai (35) and his wife unknown.
Hunlona (20), nephew of Beshe, his wife Dolan (17) and their daughter Bessie (2).
One teenage boy Garditha (12) relative to Nezegochin or Ni-yah.

With the return of Naiche with the Chokonens and the fact their sentries alerted them that Apache scouts coming toward them, Kla-esch and Naiche ordered their fellows to move south in schedule to reach Mexico. Apparently, their plan was to get mounts in New Mexico, then moving fast across the old Chokonen’s territory and finally to hide in the Sierra Madre but away from Bugatseka which Apache scouts knew the location. What they did not know was the Apache scouts they spotted were Chiricahuas led by Pedes-klinje who knew well each favorite campsite of every renegade chief.
24th and 25th of May, Naiche led his Chokonens south, through the Mogollon Mountains. His warriors got fresh mounts by raiding along the Mogollon Creek, 26th of May. Near area with more settlements, Kla-esch and Naiche decided to split. Kla-esch with few warriors who guided and protected the women and children. He had to find a safety campsite, north of Piños Altos to rest some days. Since 17th of May the Chokonen’s outbreakers had travelled between one hundred fifty and two hundred miles in very rugged countries. I think Stalosh and Cathla stayed with Kla-esch as some teenage boys. A militia troops coming from Silver City, Kla-esch moved north Bear Creek, the night of 27-28th of May and made camp in the junction of Sapillo Creek and the Gila River. He hoped his people could rest some days here.

In the same time, 27th of May, to furnish new horses and food, Naiche would launch raids, with the rest of the warriors, south of Piños Altos, near Fort Bayard and Silver City. First, they ransacked empty settlements and give the stock they stole to their women and Kla-esch at Juniper Springs near Bear Creek. The warriors Ulzana, Nah-dozinne, La-zi-yah, Moh-tsos, Tah-ni-toe, Eskinye, Shoie, Ithsa-dee-tsa, Tsinolthos, Zhonne and some teenage boys followed Naiche and began their raids. They needed to make noise to attrack troops and militia away from Kla-esch.
Naiche and his warriors stroke on a wood camp of a Mexican’s family, five miles north of Silver City. They slaughtered everybody killing one man, his wife, and three children. Some warriors mutilated the bodies. They got what they needed and certainly knowing that the alarm was done, they quitted the deadly scene to go at Twin Sisters Peak. Naiche was definitevly at war. Between 28th and 29th, he and his warriors rested before making other raids very near of Fort Bayard, looking for diversion at the opposite side of the women and children.

If the diversion worked on troops in Fort Bayard and on citizens militia, it failed with Nantan Enchau’s Chiricahua scouts led by Pedes-klinje. Early morning 29th of May, Pedes-klinje and his men found the ranchéria of Kla-esch. The advance scouts and the sentry spotted each other and fired. There was no casualty but the women and children had to flee precipately letting about twenty mounts and food. They finally escaped by turning around Brushy Mountain east to west and reached the Gila River following Turkey Creek, 30th of May. Naiche’s raiders with their loot and fresh mounts joined them near today’s Cliff, along the Gila River, early 1st of June.