Yavapai - The Chameleon People

[naiches2]

I wish to begin discursion about Yavapai.
These Indians in the historical literature always were in a shade of the well-known neighbours of Apaches though their history is very interesting. Throughout all historical period them confused either to Apaches, or with River Yumans, they and named Apache-Mohave or Apache-Yuma. Really, in their photos difficultly indetification - they are dressed either as by River Yumans, or as Apaches. Why?
To get they began possibly on the earths of the central Arizona nearby 13-14 centuries from the West from Colorado River area, at the same time, when from the east tribes of Apaches there began to wander. Their culture which has been not adapted for residing in mountains, actively accepted any vital skills which could be received from neighbours. But they could not forget at once and the old habits. As a result east bands have apprehended a way of life of Apaches, and bands more asoñiated with river relatives continued to gravitate to old culture. The openness to new forms can be noticed to that Yavapai passed to carrying of clothes of the white person is easier, than Apaches and the more so River Yumans who and in 20 century often wore traditional clothes.

Western Yavapai or River Yuman?


Eastern Yavapai or Tonto Apache?


Yavapai?


Yuma?


Too mach question...

Info from The Indian Tribes of North America by John R. Swanton

Yavapai. According to the Handbook of American Indians (Hodge,
1907, 1910), from enyaeva, "sun," and pai, "people," and thus
signifying "people of the sun," but the southeastern Yavapai
interpreted it to mean "crooked-mouth people," that is, a "sulky"
people who do not agree with other peoples (fide Gifford, 1936).
Also called:

Apache Mohaves, in Rep. Office Ind. Aff., 1869, p. 92; 1870.
Apaches, by Garces in 1775-76 (Diary, p. 446, 1900); also by
Spaniards.
Cruzados, by Ohate in 1598 (Col. Doc. Ined., vol. 16, p.
276, 1864-84).
Dil-zha, by White (MS.); Apache name meaning "Indians living
where there are red ants."
E-nyae-va Pai, by Ewing (1892, p. 203), meaning "sun people"
because they were sun worshipers.
Gohun, by Ten Kate, (1884, p. 5), Apache name.
Har-dil-zhays, by White (1875 MS.), Apache name.
Inya'vape, by Harrington (1908, p. 324), Walapai name.
Jum-pys, by Heintzelman, (1857, p. 44)
Kohenins, by Corbusier (1886, p. 276), Apache name.
Ku-we-ve-ka pai-ya, by Corbusier (MS., p. 27); said to be
own name, because they live in the south.
Nyavapai, by Gorbusier (1886, p. 276).
Taros, by Garces in 1775-76 (Diary, p. 446, 1900), Pima
name.
Yampaos, by Whipple (1856, p. 103).

Connections.- The Yavapai belonged to the Yuman branch of the
Hokan linguistic family, their closest cultural affiliations
being with the Havasupai and Walapai.

Location.- In western Arizona from the Pinal and Mazatzal
Mountains to the country of the Halchidhoma and Chemehuevi in the
neighborhood of Colorado River and from Williams and Santa Maria
Rivers, including the valleys of the smaller branches, to the
neighborhood of the Gila River.

Subdivisions

Gifford gives the following:

A. Kewevikopaya or Southeastern Yavapai, which included the
Walkamepa Band (along the southerly highway from Miami to Phoenix
via Superior), and the Wikedjasapa Band (along the present Apache
trail highway from Phoenix to Miami via Roosevelt Dam). These
included the following exogamous bands: Limited to the Walkamepa
Band- Ilihasitumapa (original home in the Pinal Mountains);
limited to the Wikedjasapa Band: Amahiyukpa (claiming as their
homeland the high mountains on the west side of the Verde River,
just north of Lime Creek and directly opposite the territory of
the Yelyuchopa Clan), Atachiopa (who originated in the mountains
west of Cherry), Hakayopa (whose inland homeland was Sunflower
Valley, south of Mazatzal Peak, high in the Mazatzal Mountains,
and west of Fort Reno in the Tonto Basin), Hichapulvapa (whose
country was the Mazatzal Mountains southward from the East
Verde River and westward from North Peak and Mazatzal Peak);
represented in both bands: Iiwilkamepa (who considered the
mountainous country between the Superstition and Pinal Mountains
as their homeland), Matkawatapa (said to have originated from
intermarriage between people of the Walkamepa Band and Apache
from the Sierra Ancha), Onalkeopa (whose original homeland was in
the Mazatzal Mountains between the lands of the Hichapulvapa and
Yelyuchopa clans but who moved later south into the territory of
the Walkamepa Band), Yelyuchopa (who claimed as their homeland
the Mazatzal Mountains between the territories of the Hakayopa
and Hichapulvapa clans). Cuercomache (on one of the heads of
Diamond Creek, near the Grand Canyon of the Colorado) is given as
a village. Amanyika was the principal camp site of the
Wikedjasapa south of the Salt River.

B. Yavepe or Northeastern Yavapai, including.

a. Yavepe proper (claiming upper Verde Valley and the mountains
on either side, including the Montezuma National Monument), whose
bands were: Wipukupa (occupying caves in Redrock country,
probably in the region designated as Red Buttes on maps, and
descending Oak Creek to plant maize in certain moist flats and to
gather mesquite in Verde Valley), Matkitwawipa (people of upper
Verde Valley, East Verde River, Fossil Creek, Clear Creek,
ranging south to Cave Creek, and Walkey-anyanyepa (people of the
mesa to which Jerome clings).

b. Mat-haupapaya (inhabiting the massif from Prescott to Crown
King and Bumble Bee), and including: Wikutepa (the Granite Peak
Band) and Wikenichapa (the Black Mountains or Crown King Band).

C. Tolkepaya or Western Yavapai, including: Hakupakapa or
Inyokapa (inhabitants of mountains north of Congress); Hakehelapa
Wiltaikapaya (people of Harquahals and Harcuvar Mountains on
either side of Wiltaika (Salome); People's Valley, Kirkland
Valley (upper drainage of Hassayampa Creek near Wickenburg and
region around Hillside); Haka-whatapa or Matakwarapa (who
formerly lived at La Paz and Castle Dome).

History.- Gifford (1936) states that "the earliest probable
mention" of the Yavapai "is by Luxan of the Espejo expedition,
who in 1582-1583 apparently visited only the country of the
Northeastern Yavapai." In 1598 Marcos Farfan de los Godos met
them and called them Cruzados because they wore small crosses on
their heads, and in 1604 Juan de Onate also visited them, as did
Father Francisco Garces in 1776, after which time contact with
Europeans was pretty regular. They were removed to the Verde
River Agency in May 1873. In 1875 they were placed on the San
Carlos Apache Agency, but by 1900 most of the tribe had settled
in part of their old home on the Verde River, including the
abandoned Camp McDowell Military Reservation, which was assigned
to their use, November 27, 1901, by the Secretary of the
Interior, until Congress should take final action. By Executive
Orderof September 15, 1903, the old reservation was set aside for
their use, and the claims of the white settlers purchased under
Act of April 21, 1904.

Population.- Mooney (1928) estimates 600 Yavapai in 1680.
Gifford's (1936) estimate would about double that, though he does
not believe they ever exceeded 1500. In 1873 they were said to
number about 1,000 and in 1903 between 500 and 600. In 1906, 520
were reported, 465 at Camp McDowell and Upper Verde Valley and 55
at San Carlos. In 1910. 289 were reported by the Census, but the
same year the Indian Office reported 178 under the Camp McDowell
School Superintendent, 282 under the Camp Verde School, and 89
under the San Carlos School; total, 549. In 1823 the Indian
Office reported 708 under the Camp Verde School and Salt River
Superintendencies. In 1932 the Indian Office reported only 193,
but the "Yuma Apache" would add 24. In 1937 there were 194.

Connection in which they have become noted.- (See Havasupai.) The
name has been perpetuated in that of Yavapai County, Ariz.

[naiches2]

Sigrid Khera and Patricia S. Mariella, "Yavapai," in Handbook of. North American. Indians: Southwest, vol. 10

Language and Territory
Before Anglo-American encroachment into their ter-
ritory in the 1860s the Yavapai ('yavs.pi) lived in the
area that today constitutes central and west-central Ari-
zona. They considered themselves one people who had
originated in the Sedona Red Rock country, spoke the
same language, followed the same way of life, married
among each other, and could call upon each other in
warfare against other groups.
Yavapai may be considered a dialect of an Upland
Yuman language of which Walapai and Havasupai con-
stitute the two other major dialects* (W. Winter 1957;
Biggs 1957). The Yavapai recognize this linguistic sim-
ilarity but consider themselves a separate people who
at one time had split from the others (Gifford 1936:247;
Williams and Khera 1975:94).
The northern boundary of Yavapai territory ranged
from the San Francisco Peaks to the area of present-
day Williams and Ash Fork, to north of the Santa Maria
and Bill Williams rivers (fig. 1). When Yavapais oc-
casionally frequented areas as far north as Seligman and
Kingman, conflict with the Walapai usually resulted.
The westernmost expansion of the Yavapai included
the mountains and at times even the lowlands along the
Colorado River as far south as Yuma. The mountains
north of the Gila River constituted the southwestern
border of their territory. From the lower Verde Valley,
the territory of the Yavapai reached through the Su-
perstition Mountains to the Final Mountains and through
the Tonto Basin north to the Mogollon Rim (Schroeder
1974:122; Khera 1977:1; Gifford 1936:249).
Modern Yavapais recognize four regional sub-
tribes with minor dialectal differences: Tolkapaya
tdlkpdya), Kewevkapaya (kwevkpdya), Wipukpaya
(?wipukpdya), and Yavepe (yavpe). Gifford (1932:177,
1936:249), who wrote the major ethnographies on the
Yavapai, speaks of only three subtribes, since he lumps
together the Wipukpaya and Yavepe as the Northeast-
ern Yavapai; he calls the Tolkapaya the Western Yava-
pai and the Kewevkapaya the Southeastern Yavapai.
The Tolkapaya (Western Yavapai) ranged from the
Colorado River to the western slopes of the Kirkland
Valley. The Kewevkapaya (Southeastern Yavapai) lived
in the Bradshaw Mountains, the Verde Valley, as far
north as Fossil Creek, the Tonto Basin, and the Su-
perstition and Final mountains. The Wipukpaya
(Northeastern Yavapai) lived in the middle Verde Val-
ley, the Bradshaw Mountains, and the Sedona Red Rock
country as far north as the San Francisco Peaks. The
Yavepe (Central Yavapai) occupied the area around
present-day Frescott and Jerome Mountain.
In general, Yavapais bora around or before the 1920s
distinguish individuals of their own or older generations
as belonging to a particular sub tribe. Most younger peo-
ple emphasize a person's membership in one of the four
Yavapai reservation communities: Fort McDowell,
Prescott, Middle Verde, and Clarkdale.
Since the Fort McDowell Reservation was established
in 1903 it has been designated a "Mohave-Apache Res-
ervation" by the federal government. Only the reser-
vation in Prescott, officially established in 1935, was
designated a "Yavapai Reservation." This has resulted
in the erroneous assumption by the public and even
some government officials that the Prescott and Fort
McDowell Reservations are inhabited by people of two
different tribes—one being Yavapai and the other a
branch of the Apache or a mixture of Mohave and
Apache—whereas both are Yavapai.



Synonymys
Some twentieth-century Yavapais use the name yavpdy
as a general self-designation, but in older usage this was
merely the plural of yavpe, the name for a member of
the largest Yavapai subdivision (Martha B. Kendall,
communication to editors 1981). The Yavapai were not
politically united and had no name for themselves as a
separate group, but other Yuman languages do call them
all by a name similar to Yavapai: Quechan ya'vapdy
(Abraham M. Halpern, communication to editors 1981);
Mohave yavapay (Pamela Munro, communication to
editors 1981); Maricopa yav?rpay (Kroeber 1943:38;
Lynn Gordon, communication to editors 1981); Wala-
pai nyavpe7 'people living in the direction of the sunrise'
(Lucille J. Watahomigie, communication to editors 1981);
Havasupai nyavpe?e (Leanne Hinton, communication
to editors 1981). It seems likely, therefore, that the
name Yavapai was borrowed into Spanish and English
from one of these other languages. Francisco Garces,
who was the first to use this name, as Yabipai, 1774,
reported that it was employed by the Mohave, and he
compounded it with other names to refer to a number
of other Indian groups (Bolton 1930, 2:381, 383; Coues
1900, 2:444, 446). The Spanish spelling yavipais also
appears. The Maricopa name is applied to both the
Yavapai and the Western Apache (Spier 1946:17-18).
An extensive historical survey of names applied to
the Yavapai in the historical sources has been compiled
by Schroeder (1974:49-75, 267-276). The more com-
mon and definite of those used by the Spaniards include:
Cruzados (1598) and Cruciferos (1716); Tacabuy (1605),
probably intended for Tagabuy, and Tas(s)abuess (1775);
Nijor (1699), Nijoras, Nijores, Niforas, Nifores, Nixo-
ras, Nichoras, Nixotas, and Nijotes; and Tejuas (1776),
Tehuas, and Teguas. American writers in the second
half of the nineteenth century usually referred to the
groups of Yavapais separately until the name Yavapai
came into general use.
Since at least 1686 the Yavapai have often been re-
ferred to in Spanish and in English as Apaches (Schroe-
der 1974:268). This usage appears to be an extension
of the term used for the Athapaskan-speaking Apa-
cheans since 1598 and not based on the coincidentally
similar Yavapai word ?pacd 'people', which some mod-
ern Yavapai give as the source. The name Cohonina
(and variants) has been applied to the Yavapai as well

tThis synonymy was written by Ives Goddard.

as the Havasupai and Walapai (see the synonymies in
"Havasupai" and "Walapai," this vol.); this appears as
the Western Apache name go'hn 'Yavapai1 (Goodwin
1942:575). Yampai has also been applied to all the Up-
land Yumans.
The Western Apache call the Yavapai dilzhge (Cur-
tis 1907-1930, 1:134, phonemicized); one source gives
also a longer variant Har-dil-zhay kred soil with red ants'
(J.B. White 1873-1875), but this and other translations
offered for this name may be only folk etymologies.
This name is also said to refer to 'San Carlos and Bylas
people' (Perry 1972:64) and to the Southern Tonto com-
ponent of the Western Apache, though it is "strongly
resented," at least by some (Goodwin 1942:259). The
Navajo call the Yavapai Dilzhi'i (Young and Morgan
1980:320), Dilzhe'e (Haile 1950-1951, 1:89), or
Dilzh^he (Hoijer 1974:276), the last actually attested
as referring to "a group of Apaches in the White Moun-
tain country."
Subgroups
The Yavepe (yavpe), also called the Northeastern
Yavapai (Gifford 1932,1936), were referred to by Cor-
busier (1886:276) as "the Apache-Mojaves, Yavapais,
or Kohenins," these being the names in use by speakers
of English (and Spanish?), Yuman, and Athapaskan,
respectively. J.B. White (1873-1875) gives We'-le-id-
ger-par' as the Tonto (Kewevkapaya) name for the
"Apache Mohave." The Yavapai form yavpe lacks any
clear meaning and has been given several conflicting
explanations; the apparent cognates in other Upland
Yuman languages mean 'eastern people'. The Maricopa
name is yav?i'payxan (Lynn Gordon, communication
to editors 1981).
The Tolkapaya (tolkpaya) or Western Yavapai were
known as the Apache-Yumas in the second half of the
nineteenth century. Their Apache name was given as
natchous 'lizards' (Corbusier 1886:276). tolkpaya does
not have a transparent meaning in modern Yavapai but
has been explained as 'western people' (Martha B. Ken-
dall, communication to editors 1981) and 'central peo-
ple' (Corbusier 1923-1925). The Maricopa call them
yav?i'pay kve (Lynn Gordon, communication to editors
1981).
The Kewevkapaya (kwevkpdya) or Southeastern
Yavapai were known as Apache-Tontos, Tonto Apaches,
or Tontos. This group intermarried extensively with
Apaches and the name Tonto has also been applied to
the Apaches that were in contact with them or de-
scended from the mixed Yavapai and Apache bands of
the nineteenth century (Corbusier 1886:277; J.B. White
1873~1875a). kwevkpdya means 'southern people'
(Martha B. Kendall, communication to editors 1981);
a writing of the name as Co-wa-ver. Co-pi'-yar (J.B.
White 1873-1875) led to the appearance of the parts
54
before and after the internal period as two separate
names in some secondary sources (Gatschet 1877-
1892:370; Hodge 1907-1910, 2:836).
Sources
In general, there are comparatively few works that deal
with the Yavapai. The only ethnographic works on the
Yavapai are those of Gifford (1932, 1936), based on
several months of fieldwork in the early 1930s. There
is a manuscript by Mike Burns, Gifford's only Kewev-
kapaya informant, which is published in part, in Khera
(1977); copies are located in the Sharlot Hall Museum
library, Prescott, Arizona, as well as in the Hayden
Collection of the Arizona State University library,
Tempe.
There are several discussions of the Yavapai in the
1860s and 1870s by army personnel, the most inform-
ative being those of Corbusier (1886, 1969), who was
the physician on the Rio Verde Reservation, and
Bourke's (1891) discussion of General Crook's cam-
paigns.
Schroeder's (1952a, 1974) works for the U.S. Indian
Claims Commission case definitively detail historical
and ethnographic material concerning the aboriginal
territory of the Yavapai and the records of their early
interactions with non-Indians.
A partial collection of Dr. Carlos Montezuma's cor-
respondence concerning Fort McDowell is held in the
Hayden Collection of the Arizona State University li-
brary; a preliminary analysis of these documents has
been made by Chamberlain (1975). A collection of all
Dr. Montezuma's papers will be forthcoming through
a research project edited by John Larner.
There is a brief discussion of Fort McDowell in the
1950s by Heider (1956). C.P. Morris's (1971, 1972) ar-
ticles provide brief social and economic histories of the
Middle Verde and Camp Verde reservations, while a
summary history of the Jimulla family of Prescott is
found in Barnett (1968). Coffeen (1972) discusses the
impacts of the proposed Orme Dam on the Fort
McDowell community. Khera (1977), a book designed
for the Fort McDowell community as well as the public,
contains articles on Yavapai history, farming, and tools,
and on Orme Dam as well as excerpts from manuscripts.
Williams and Khera's (1975) ethnohistory is the result
of a long-term collaboration between a noted Yavapai
oral historian and an anthropologist.

Attachments:

[naiches2]

And here the opinion is told about place of the Yavapai Peoples in American Historiography by the author of the brilliant book about Yavapai Timothy Braatz.



Exept from pp.11-14:

[naiches2]

This photo of the Verde Reservation Chiefs by D.P. Flanders 1873-1874. I think this group is Tolkepaya or Western Yavapai People.



Pay attention to hairdresses, cut over a forehead in style of River Yumans and mix of styles in clothes - civilised suit and aboriginal details (Please look at sitting men). It is a pity that we cannot see footwear but it seems that these people do not carry Apache-style moccasins, first sign of east groups.

[naiches2]

Yavapai and (?)Tonto Group. Two sitting men is absolutely Yavapai.



Scout Rowdy


Typical Yavapai women. Look at a beautiful breast ornament from beads in typical Yuma style



Compare with Mojave squaw:

[naiches2]

Pic with name Maricopa Indians by Charles Roscoe Savage. But IMHO is Tolkepaya local band

[jinlian]

Interesting discussion, thanks Naiches. Have thist photograph, dated 1880 and labeled as "a Maricopa Indian". The background is quite similiar to that of picture n.2. Do you think he was actually a Maricopa?

[Dietmar]

Isn´t the man in the second photo of the first post in this thread the one usually (and incorrectly) identified as Victorio?

[naiches2]

I know only two photos which it is strong associated with Victorio, but at SIRIS on both is written Apache Mojave. Persons of these people are really similar, probably it is the one person. And I am to be believed that it is the well-known leader of Warm Springs Apaches. But Smithsonian Institute is very authoritative organisation receiving the first-hand information. Besides a photo "Apache Scout" it is taken from Collection of Annie Baker Winslow, and there it is a lot of pictures Chiricahua.
... To Solve to ourselves.

[Dietmar]

Yes, it is the first "Victorio" photo that in my opinion resembles the man in your first post, although I´m not absolutely sure...

[naiches2]

It agree with you.
I study for a long time photos of Apaches and Yavapais and have paid attention that Yavapais have the upper lip or a jaw is very accurately depicted. At the person from a photo of "Victorio" this sign is obviously visible, hence it is necessary to recognise that it is valid can the Apache-Mojave. Too I observed at the chief Eskiminzin. It is known that Southeast Yavapai had close connections with Apaches and some even have lodged in a San Carlos Reservation in 1872 (Other groups of Yavapais have been moved from Rio Verde Res to San Carlos in 1875). Probably someone from ancestors of Eskiminzin was from Yumans (Not necessarily Pai, may be from Maricopa or Yuma).
General O.O. Howard have been personally familiar with chief, said that the leader was born in Pinal band of San Carlos Group, the most east and close to Yavapai Lands.

Compare these pictures:
Pay attention to an upper lip.

Eskiminzin





The leader of SE Yavapai band from San Carlos Res. named Saygully (Sygollah) who went to Washington with John Clum and Eskiminzin.




Coyotero Skellegunney

[naiches2]

Another example Yavapai face:
1-st Sergeant of Apache Scout Company (thanks jeroen)

Pay attention to an upper lip.

[naiches2]

Dr William H. Corbusier was assigned to Camp Date Creek (Jan - Au 1873), temporum reservation for W Yavapai. He going to Camp Verde in September 1873 and until 1876 been among Yavapai Verdes. His son has published the book based on its memoirs 'Verde to San Carlos'.


Here part One
The Apache-Yumas and Apache-Mojaves
By WM. H. CORBUSIER, M. D., U. S. A.

from American Antiquarian, September, 1886.


THE APACHE-YUMAS AND APACHE-MOJAVES.

The Apache-Yumas, Tulkepaias, or Natchons, belong to the Yuma, or Katchan family of Indians. The name Apache-Yuma was given to them by the whites, but they are known to the Indians of the Yuma family as Tulkepaia, or in full, Tulkepaia (sparrow?) venuna (belly) tchehwale (spotted), and to those of the Tennai family — the so-called Apaches — as Natchon (lizards).* They have quite recently sprung from the Yumas, or Katchans, the Apache-Mojaves, or Yavapais, and Mojaves, or Mokhabas.+
Their country is in Arizona, north of the Gila River, between the Verde and the Colorado. They were hostile to the whites until 1873, in the spring of which year they were collected to the number of about five hundred and taken to the Rio-Verde reservation, which embraced a tract of country beginning near Fort Verde and extending forty miles up the river, and ten miles on each side of it. They had been fed by the government at Camp Date-Creek, Ariz., for several years before their removal to the Verde, but marauding parties frequently stole away, to plunder and kill settlers and travelers, and it was only after they had been severely punished by the troops many times that they ceased their depredations.)
The Apache-Mojaves, Yavapaias, or Kohenins, also belong to the Yuma family.++ The whites call them Apache-Mojaves, but the Indian related to them call them Yavape, Yavapaia, or Nyavapai, and the Tennai call them Kohenin. They claim as their country the whole of the valley of the Verde river and the Black Mesa, as far north as Bill William's mountain. Of their origin or migrations they arc unable to give any account, as traditions are almost unknown among them, as well as among the Apache-Yumas, owing probably to their great reluctance to speak of the dead. They were comparatively recent comers into the Verde valley, for according to the traditions of the Moquis the ancestors of the latter inhabited it for a long time, and were the builders of the stone structures, the ruins of which are to be seen on the edges of the mesas and in the cliffs all along the river. The Moquis deserted the valley "five old men ago"— the words of an old Moqui man from the pueblo of Wolpi—because of a long drought accompanied by a fatal
-------------------
* The name Apache is the plural form of pa or apa, a Katchan word, and signifies "the men" i.e. Indians. It is commonly applied to the Indians of the Tennai family, but should be used to designate the Katchan family.
+ The name Mo’haba, of which Mojave is a corruption, means "three mountains," it is derived from the words hamok (three) and habi hemi (big rock or mountain).
++ The following named tribes are members of this family: Diegueno, Cocapa, Yuma. Mojave, Hualpai, Maricopa,Yava-Supai, and Apache Tonto, the latter a mixture of Yuma and Tennai.
2
epidemic* Very little was known about the Apache-Mojaves before the year 1872, as they had rarely visited Fort Verde or come in contact with the whites, but in that year after Brevet Major General Geo. Crook, U.S. Army assumed command of the Department of Arizona, many of them were induced to visit the post to obtain rations. On the first ration day only about ninety appeared, but on the second, they came in crowds from every direction, and upward of seven hundred were present.
They continued to engage in hostilities however until 1873, by which time they were whipped into sub-mission. In the spring of that year about one thousand of them were placed on the Rio-Verde Reservation, and the remainder sent to the San-Carlos Agency.
About five hundred of the so-called Apache-Tontos — Indians from Tonto Basin and the Pinal moun-tains—were taken to the Rio-Verde Reservation the same spring. They are of mixed blood, having descen-ded from both the Katchan and Tennai Indians. Many of the men are Yavapais who have taken Apache women for wives—probably stolen them—from among the Pinal and other Apaches south of the Salt River. They speak a mongrel tongue which is a mixture of Katchan and Tennai, and are for this reason called Ahwa-paia-kwauwa (enemy, all, and speak).
The A-Yumas and A-Mojaves were never on good terms with the A-Tontos before they were placed on the Reservation, and the presence of troops at the Agency did not always prevent them from coming to blows afterward, when they met on ration and count days. During the first summer on the Reservation, they all experienced much sickness, more especially those bands who were last to surrender. They were exhausted from fatigue sickness, and lack of proper food; the troops having harassed them to such a degree that they had but little time to search for food, and were compelled to subsist almost exclusively on tunas, or prickly pears, and half-cooked mescal, or American aloe, which produced dysentery, and consequently were not in condition to resist the malaria, which is so active in the river bottom of the Verde. While still suffering with malarial fevers and dysentery, they were seized with the epizootic, at that time epidemic among the horses. In the month of September, so many were prostrated with this combination of diseases, and deaths were so frequent, that many of the dead remained unburned, on account of the inability of the relative to carry the wood necessary for a funeral pyre. On removal to higher ground the sick rate declined, and the next year they maintained a good state of health.**
----------------------
* As a lifetime, or seventy yean, it meant by the expression “one old man" it is three hundred and fifty yean, or if the age of my informant be included, as it probably should, about four hundred years since the Moquis quited the valley.
**The Agency was located about sixteen miles north of Fort Verde, on the east bank of the river, until June, 1874, when it was removed about two miles and a half west to higher ground at the foot of the mountains.
8
It was a very difficult matter for some time to keep them on the Reservation; and it became necessary to adopt a system of checking and counting the men, in order that the absence of any of them might readily be discovered, and troops promptly sent in pursuit of them. After many had been captured and punished by imprisonment for a month or longer, very few attempted to leave without permission. A better state of health, and success in farming, together with a firm but just rule, at length reconciled the majority to what, at first, was a 1 irksome life to them.
In 1874 they constructed a dam in the Verde River, dug a long ditch for irrigating purposes, and that summer raised a fair crop of corn, potatoes, melons, and pumpkins under the supervision of army officers. Their success delighted them, and made them eager the next year to plant a larger piece of ground. But in the spring (1875) while they were begging for farming implements and seeds, a special commissioner arrived from Washington with orders to remove them to the San Carlos Agency. They protested strongly against the removal, and told the Commissioner that they had been brought to the reservation against their will, but, as it was a portion of their country, which the government had promised should belong to them and their children forever, they now wished to remain, and did not wish to go to a strange country, and among strange people. They had been so successful too on their farm last year, that they were certain of doing well in the future. They wished seeds, firming implements, cattle, school teachers, and everything that would enable them to live like the whites. Their protests however were not considered, as the policy of the Indian Department required their removal, and they were forced to go. While on the Rio Verde reserve-tion forty of them were constantly serving as police and scouts, and in 1874, when the San Carlos Indians left their reservation, about one hundred and fifty volunteered to assist in driving them back. From these one hundred and twenty-two wore selected and enlisted as scouts, fifty-nine of whom wore A-Yumas, forty-one A-Mojaves and twenty-two A-Tontos. They were in the field three months and did excellent service.
The A-Mojaves and A-Yumas have a dialect in common, although each tribe uses a few words peculiar to itself. It differs somewhat from those of the Yumas, Mojaves, and Hualpais, but not so much as an exami-nation of the published vocabularies would lead one to suppose.
The A-Mojave men are of tall stature, erect, muscular, and well proportioned. The average height of twenty-four of them, in their bare feet, was found to be 5 feet 8 1/2 inches, and the average weight, 157 pounds.
4
The A-Yuma men are a little taller and more angular. The average height of twenty-two of them was found to be 5 feet 8 1-5 inches, and the weight 152 15-16 pounds. These figures are probably rather under than over the average for the adult men of the tribes, as those measured and weighed were not selected, but were taken as they came up to receive their rations at the Agency, and some of them were not over twenty years of age. and had not yet attained their maximum height and weight. The A-Mojave women are taller and have handsomer faces than the A-Yumas. The latter are, with few exceptions, short and gross, measuring in height about 5 feet 3 inches, and weighing about 140 pounds.
Their skin varies in color according to the season, from a dark mahogany in summer, to a light mahogany or cafe-au-lait in winter. Their hair is evenly distributed over the head, and is coarse, black, and straight. It is worn very long behind, and is cut in front on a line with the eyebrows, or in summer even a little lower, to shade their eyes from the glare and reflection of the sun. The women wear the back hair reaching just to the shoulders, and always flowing, but the men permit it to grow long, never cutting it except when mourning the dead, and tic it up with a Navajo garter, or a piece of red flannel in which they carry a slender stick or bone about tight inches long, which serves them as a comb. The scalp-lock is never seen, unless the small lock of hair to which a feather ornament is tied can be considered as such. Some of the A-Yuma men wear long rolls of matted hair behind, which are the thickness of a finger, and two feet or more in length, and composed of old hair mixed with that growing on the head, or are in the form of a wig, made of hair that has been cut off when mourning the dead, to be worn on occasions of ceremony. The hair almost always harbors some lice, and the one-toothed comb is frequently brought into requisition to scratch with, but sometimes the head becomes so infested, that they are obliged to resort to some more expeditions method of getting rid of them than the common one. They then roll the hair around the top of the head, and fill it with black mud, which they allow to remain twelve hours or so, and then wash it out, together with the vermin which have been effectually smothered. In summer they wash their heads frequently with a shampoo made by wringing the juice from six or eight leaves of the Spanish bayonet (yucca baccata), into a gallon of tepid water, first holding them over a fire for a few minutes to wilt them. It makes the hair soft and glossy, and, they say, promotes its growth. A few coarse straggling hairs appear on the chins and upper lips of the men, but these are diligently plucked out by the roots with tweezers, and a beard is never allowed to grow.
5
Feathers are the favorite head ornaments of the men, who are rarely seen without one or two secured to a lock of hair at the crown of the head. Each one is fastened by means of a string two inches in length, so that it will flutter on the least motion of the wearer. Quill-feathers from the hawk or eagle, down, white or tinted red, a large bunch taken from the back of the wild turkey, and the skin of the California canary arc those usually worn. The women never wear feathers.
Their foreheads recede from prominent brows, and are low and narrow. Their eyes arc far apart, and almost hidden by heavy lids, the edges of which the women often paint black, to give the eyes a bright look. The conjunctive is of a yellowish tint, and ' the iris is a dark mahogany color. Some of them have Roman noses, hut the majority have broad flat ones with conspicuous nostrils. Some of the men pierce the septum, and hang from it a large bead, or a string of small ones. Their ears are small, and, when not disfigured by cuts, shapely. Many of the men have notches along the pinna, and all have a short slit in he lobe of each ear, made soon after birth by means of a piece of wood hardened in the fire and sharpened. Strings of small beads, five or six inches long, with mother-of-pearl or stone pendants, are worn by both sexes. They have large mouths with rather long thick lips. Their teeth are small, closely set, and. in the adult, yellow and frequently decayed, but always free from tartar. In the old they are usually worn down to mere stumps, from constant use in holding hides to dress them, or in softening them when making clothing or shoes. Their chins are short and recede slightly. Their hands and feet are small, and remarkably well-formed, their insteps are finely arched.
Tattooing is practiced by the women, but rarely by the men. The married women are distinguished by seven narrow blue lines running from the lower lip down the chin, the outer ones starting from the corners of the mouth and frequently having a row of arrow-shaped points directed outward; or two zigzag lines run from each corner of the mouth, and the three between them are straight. A young woman when anxious to become a mother, tattoos the figure of a child on her forearm for good luck. A few women have two or three straight lines running a little over half-way around the forearm. Charcoal prepared for the purpose is the only coloring substance used in making these figures. It is pricked into the skin with a bunch of cactus thorns, sharp bits of quartz or needles.
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Paint is freely used at all times by both sexes, for comfort as well as ornament. It serves them as clothing, keeping them warm in winter and protecting them from the heat of the sun in summer, they say. Red is the favorite color, and is commonly obtained from red clay which they dry, reduce to a powder, incorporate with saliva, make into small cakes, and dry. Afterward they bore a hole in each cake for a string, by means of which they carry it tied to the girdle ready for use. When they wish to apply it they mix it by rubbing the edge of the cake in some saliva in the hand. They generally smear it ever the whole person, and scrape straight and waived lines, or other designs in it with the tips of the fingers. They are then literally "red men." Galena and burnt mescal arc used on their faces, the former to denote anger, or as war paint, being spread all over the face, or overall except the chin and nose, which are painted red. The burnt mescal is usually smeared on, and waved lines are made through it from the nose to the ears, or it is daubed on in spots all over the face, or two parallel lines are drawn across the cheeks on each side of a row the men in summer is a very simple one consisting of a pair of moccasins and a breech-clout. The latter is a strip of calico, about two yards long, passed between the legs and hung over the belt in front and behind, the hind end reaching nearly, if not quite, to the ground; or a strip of buck skin, the hind end of which, when the hair of the animal is allowed to remain on, so closely resembles the tail of an animal, that in early days the report was current that the Apaches had tails. In winter, the skin of some animal dressed with the hair on, or a Navajo blanket is wrapped around the shoulders, and long buck skin leggings are sometimes put on.
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Occasionally they wear a jacket, which is made by doubling a deerskin crosswise, cutting a slit at the fold through which to pass the head, and tying the sides together, leaving spaces for the arms. The women wear two buckskins hung over a belt, one in front and one behind, in the form of a kilt, and in cold weather, a third one suspended from the neck by strings, and bound at the waist by the belt to protect the chest. The edges of the skins are cut in deep fringe, on which numerous cartridge shells, little rolls of tin, etc.. are often hung to produce a jingling sound, and a few straight and waved lines arc painted above the fringe. Rabbit's bones, with chevrons or arrow points cut on them, are strung on the suspenders which hold up the chest covering. The kilts of a few of the A-Yuma women in summer are composed of strips of bark hung over a belt. The women wear the same kind of moccasins as the men. The A-Mojave moccasins reach nearly to the knee, and each one is made of half buckskin turned over in three folds to protect the legs, and secured to the ankle by means of a string. The soles are made of undressed cowhide with the hairy side out and cut in the natural form of the foot. The legs of the A-Yuma moccasins arc shorter, and not folded, and the soles arc made of thick dressed buckskin, which is brought up over the foot, then gathered and fastened to the uppers. Each person usually docs his own sewing, and the implements used are a steel knife and an awl made of a steel fork by breaking off all the tines except one. Some of them still use their primitive implements, a sharpened bone for an awl, and a small flake of sharp quartz for a knife. Sinew from the deer is their thread. The men dress all of the skins. They soak the green hide in water to loosen the hair, then throw it over a smooth, round stick, which they incline against a tree or rock, and scrape the hair off with the scapula of the deer, or, lacking this, some other suitable bone. They then spread it out on a bush to dry, and afterward roll it up, perhaps to carry it about with them for some time. When they wish to make use of it, they soak it again, and after thoroughly wringing out the water, sit in the sun and pull it until dry and soft. Moccasins and buckskin clothing have to be redressed after every wetting, otherwise they become hard and shrunken.
Heads, which also serve them as currency, are the commonest ornaments. Frequently as many as four pounds of small ones may be seen wound around the neck of one person. A couple of strands arc suspended from the slit in the lobe of the ears, and the women tie a few around their wrists. The small white china ones are those usually preferred. Very little bead-work was attempted before 1874, and the designs were of the simplest kind, being limited to straight, curved and zigzag lines. A fringed and painted buckskin pocket is suspended from the bead necklace to hold a small round looking-glass which is a very important article of a young Indian's wardrobe, as much of his time is devoted to decorating himself in order to gain the admi- ration of the women.
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Before the introduction of the looking-glass, he had to content himself with a look in a pool or vessel of water. The men wear a bracelet from two to four inches wide, around the left forearm, to protect it from the recoil of the bow string. It is made of heavy otter or deer skin, and is ornamented with paint, beads or brass buttons. Those who have muzzle-loading guns wear one made of leather, in which little tongues are cut to old percussion caps.
They live in circular brush huts u-wah, about five feet high, and from six to eight feet in diameter. To make one, a hollow space is excavated with sharp sticks and their hands, and the earth is banked up around the circumference, until they have a bowl-shaped depression about a foot and a half deep. Around the edge of this, bushes or branches of trees arc stuck, bent over and fastened together to form a round top. In winter it is thatched with grass, tule, or soap weed so that it will shed rain. An opening is left on one side, which serves as an outlet for smoke, as well as a doorway. The fire is made just inside the opening. For a bed they break up the ground, let it dry pick out the stones, and then spread down dry grass. Seeds, meat, buckskins, extra clothing, etc. are hung outside on upright poles. Formerly only a few huts were usually found together, and they were occupied by members of one family, as these people had to scatter over the country in small parties, and move frequently, in order to obtain a .sufficient supply of food; but in seasons of plenty, villages of about one hundred souls would be formed, when the huts of each family were always built in a group by themselves.
A very small fire suffices them, and they never waste wood by building large ones, even in winter, or when wood is very abundant. When cold, one warms himself by squatting down and wrapping his blanket around him and the fire. To kindle a fire, they resorted to the fire drill before the introduction of the flint and steel, and matches, but usually preserved coals in the ashes to avoid the labor of drilling. O-oh' me-te-kwa-te. "Make the fire blaze" is the common expression still used, even when the fire is to be kindled by means of a match. A slow torch made of dry dead-wood was carried in traveling. It enabled them to make fire or smoke signals, by means of which they could communicate with their friends at pleasure, as well as to kindle a fire at their next stopping place. For a drill, they use a piece of the stem of the o-oh kad-je or "fire-stick bush," about two feet long and half an inch thick. They dip one end in the sand, then pressing it in a shallow depression made in a piece of dry soft wood, such as the stalk of the yucca, which is laid on the ground and held by the foot, whirl it between the hands. In a few seconds the friction produces a small
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quantity of very fine charcoal, which, when rolled out on some dry grass or bark-fibre, and given a light puff or two, bursts into a flame.
Basket-ware and vessels of pottery are in common use. Their manufacture is confined to the women, who own all such property. Unglazed earthen vessels, of various sizes, for domestic purposes, such as pots, amat to cook in, with a capacity of from two to three gallons, large shallow bowls to hold food, and water-jugs with globular bodies and narrow necks, a-mat' ha-t-hi-wa, and so-wah', the largest holding as much as four gallons, are made out of red clay. Some of them are decorated with one or two narrow horizontal bands and zigzag lines painted in darker or lighter colored clay. They all have convex bottoms, and are thin and very brittle. None of them have feet, but those used for cooking purposes are supported over the fire on three stones, o-kuth-ku-nu. The moulding is done entirely by hand in the lap or on the ground, yet the vessels are quite symmetrical in shape. The clay of which they are formed is dried, ground on a metate, and then worked into a dough with saliva, and water which has been rendered mucilaginous by boiling cactus in it. The bottom of the vessel is formed of a lump of the dough, which is pressed into shape with the hands, and the rest is built up of rolls, each one of which adds about one inch to its height, and is allowed to dry a little before another is added. One hand on the inside and the other on the outside press and smooth the clay to give the vessel its proper contour and thickness. Saliva is used freely on the hands to facilitate the work. After a vessel is completely formed, it is thoroughly dried in the sun or near a fire, and then burnt by itself in an open fire. Strong, light, globular jugs, to carry water in, are made by covering loosely woven basketwork with pitch or red clay. These have two small loops or handles on the largest part of the body, for the attachment of a string or band, by which the jug is carried on the back suspended from the head. They vary in size from mere toys to those having a capacity of four gallons, and every woman, and even' girl down to the age of three or four years, possesses one or more of them. They arc one of the most important articles of their manufacture, as during certain seasons of the year water is very scarce in their country, and often has to be carried long distances. The strength and lightness of the jugs recommend them to other Indians, who frequently procure them in trade.

[naiches2]

Here part Two

The Apache-Yumas and Apache-Mojaves
By WM. H. CORBUSIER, M. D., U. S. A.

from American Antiquarian, September, 1886.

Basket-making consumes a great deal of the time of the women. Besides the baskets for their own use, they manufacture some for trade, as there is always a demand for them among other tribes, and of late they find a ready sale for them among the whites. Two patterns, of various sizes, are made, cone-shaped ones, and those having the form of a bowl. The former arc easily and quickly woven, and are usually ornamented with one or two red bands. The largest hold about two bushels, and the smallest, which are for little girls, who begin at an early age to carry burdens, about a quart. They arc borne on the back, suspended like the water-jugs, from the head by means of a band, the apex resting on the belt of the kilt. They are used in harvesting seeds and to carry burdens of every description, as fire-wood, their household goods in moving camp, their children, the aged, and the sick and wounded. On the removal of the tribes in 1875 from the Rio Verde to the San Carlos Agency, a distance of about one hundred and fifty miles, by a trail which led over rough mountains and across swollen streams, nearly all their effects, many of their children, the old, and the sick were carried in these baskets. They traveled on an average eight miles and a half a day. The men shared the labor with the women, and one old man demonstrated that conjugal affection is fully as strong among the Indians as in civilized life, by carrying his decrepit wife the whole distance in a basket on his back. The round, shallow, bowl-shaped baskets are made water tight, and require patient and skilful labor to weave them. Various designs in black, as straight, broken, waved and zigzag lines, and steps or terraces woven into them with strips from the cat's claw—the inner part of the pod of a martynia, which, when dry, is black. 12
They also are made of various sizes, from small ones used as drinking cups, to those of sixteen or seventeen inches in diameter, which are used to parch seed in, mix their bread, etc.
As to their food, they consume with a relish many things that a more fastidious palate would reject. They devour rats, coyotes, lizards and caterpillars, and prefer mule and horse meat to beef, but will not eat wild turkeys and some other fowl, nor fish.* The women procure the vegetable, and the men the animal portion of the diet. In the fall the women harvest the seeds of a variety of plants, and cache a portion for winter's use. The seeds of grasses and herbaceous plants are gathered by shaking them into the conical baskets. A few of the A-Yumas formerly raised small patches of maize ti-yatch, and laid by a little for winter. They parch the seeds by tossing them up with coals in a shallow basket for a time, then sprinkle them with water and grind them to meal, which when rolled into balls constitutes their bread mi-el-la. This when [made of the seeds of the saguara or giant cactus (Cercus' giganteus, Engelm.) Indian ah-a'h, is esteemed a delicacy. The ripe pods of the mezquit (Algarobia glandulosa, T. and G.) Indian n'a-la, are also ground and made into bread. To grind the seeds they make use of two stones, the metate ha-pi, and the rubbing stone h'a-pe'-cha', both of black lava usually. The metate is flat, and about eighteen inches long and eight inches wide. It rests on the ground, inclined at a slight angle, and the woman sits with it between her outstretched legs. The rubbing stone is round, and about six inches long and three inches thick. The woman grasps it in both hands and gives it a rolling motion forward and back. The mescal, maguey or American aloe (Agave Americana), Ind. vi-el' serves them as food the year round. It is found in perfection on the south sides of high hills and on high mesas that incline towards the south, in loose and stony soil.
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* A few A-Yumas who came from near the Colorado river ate fish caught in that River.
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When a supply is required, the women go in charge of some of the men, or the whole party moves to the mescal fields, and sufficient is cut and baked to last several weeks. They select plants that are at least eighteen inches high and cut them close to the ground, then trim off the projecting ends of the leaves, so that cach plant forms a large ball composed of the thick bases of the leaves, and the crown on which they are crowded. They then carry them in their baskets to a suitable spot in a ravine or canon where they dig a pit, or if an old one be in the neighborhood, as is frequently the case, they resort to it. The earth taken out is banked up to deepen the pit, which varies in size from three to ten feet in diameter, and from two to four feet deep, according to the number in the party. A large fire is built in it, on which are thrown basketfuls of stones. When these are hot the mescal is piled on them in the form of a pyramid, and covered with grass and earth. It is allowed to remain undisturbed about forty-eight hours, the women watching the pit in order to repair occasional breaks in the covering. When the mescal is baked, the pit is opened, and each woman takes out her own, which she recognizes by her private mark. The plants in baking shrink and turn brown. The fibres, which are coarse in the leaves and fine in the crown, become tougher, but the fleshy part is converted into a sweet juicy pulp. Those which arc not to be used soon are torsi to pieces and spread on sticks in large cakes, which, when dry, are rolled up for convenience in carrying. When kept for some time they became hard and tough, and require soaking in water before they can be eaten. Mescal-water, made by dissolving the pulp in, water, is a favorite beverage, and constitutes the exclusive diet of the sick. It frequently acts as a purge, and when dysentery or diarrhea exists often aggravates the disease. If the plant is not well cooked, or if too young, it produces the same effect. The stalk, which the plant sends up at maturity to the height of fifteen feet or more in a few weeks, is when young, often broken off and eaten raw, or after it has been roasted in an open fire. The fruit of the opuntia, called prickly pear or tuna, Ind. la'-ba, is for several weeks after it ripens in September their principal diet, and sometimes in the absence of other food, is eaten in such large quantities as to cause bowel complaints. They are very fond of the fruit of the Spanish bayonet (Yucca baccata, Torr.) Mexican Palmia ancha or Amole, Ind. ve'-nat' commonly called "dates" by the whites, which ripens in October. It resembles the banana in shape and taste. Camas, the bulb of the wild hyacinth (Camassia esculenta, Lindl.) Ind. a-nya-‘ka; the seeds of the gourd or mock orange (Cucurbita perennis, Gray.) Mex. Chili cojote and Calabazilla, Ind. a-ha-mah', acorns, Ind. i-hi-mi'-a; walnuts, Ind. jud'-ka; pine nuts, Mex. pinons, Ind. u-koh' wild garlic, wild potatoes, the young stalk of the thistle, rose pips, currants and juniper berries are also eaten in their season.
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In the spring a white sugary substance called honey-dew is frequently found on the leaves and young stems of a species of willow quite common along Date creek. They break off the branches and stir them in water to dissolve the honey dew, and make a refreshing drink. No intoxicating beverage is made by them. The only word they have in their language to express drunkenness is wassibatomi, crazy. The customary drink in winter is hot water. They raise small patches of a species of tobacco, which is smoked mostly by the medicine-men, who always inhale the smoke. Before they went to the Verde Agency very few of the men were habitual smokers, and none of them chewed tobacco.
Their meat was principally rats, ma-le-ke; hare, ku-le’; and cotton-tail rabbits, he’-lo, which are numerous and can easily be captured or killed. All the men and boys frequently engage in the sport of a rat hunt. They arm themselves with rat-sticks, which have a crook at one end, and go about among the rocks and bushes poking into the holes and hauling out the rats. Occasionally a rat gets out of his hole and essays to escape, when they all run yelling after the fugitive, flinging their sticks or striking at him, and often tripping up and tumbling over one another. As fast as they kill them, they tuck them under their belts, and often at the close of the hunt each one has a belt full dangling about his waist. In hunting rabbits a line is formed and the bushes are beaten to drive them out, and they are shot with bows and arrows, or canes or boomerangs are flung at them to break their legs. Before cooking the rabbits they skin and draw them, but roast the rats without doing either, simply making an incision in the abdomen. When they boil them they take off the skin but leave the entrails. Doves, ducks, geese and swan are rarely eaten, but their eggs are relished when boiled.
Before they had firearms large game was not easily killed, but when the hunters were successful there was a feast. Some strategy has to be exercised to get within arrow-shot of deer, kwa’-ka; antelope, mu-ul' and mountain sheep, mu-u.' In hunting deer they use as a decoy a head covering or mask, mi-hu' made of the skin and antlers from a buck's head. The skin is dried in proper shape and the back of the antlers cut away to make them lighter. A hoop which fits the hunter's head keeps the neck in shape. The mask is put upon the head like a hat, and held by means of strings tied under the chin. A deer skin is thrown around the shoul-ders, and the man is enabled in this disguise to approach within bow-shot of a deer by bending forward and imitating the motions of one when grazing, or he shows himself above the brow of a hill, or from behind a rock. Antelope heads arc prepared and used in the same manner to hunt that animal. Sometimes the men form a line and drive the deer into a narrow valley where they surround and shoot them as they try to escape.
15
No part of the deer or antelope is discarded. The foetus is a dainty morsel and the intestines choice parts, which the hunters usually feast upon at once. The bead is baked in a pit upon heated stones. It is put in at night and taken out the next morning reads- to be eaten. The rest of the meat is usually boiled in the earthen pots, but is often broiled on the coals. Bones are broken, and all the marrow is carefully extracted.
They are very much attached to all of their children, but treat the boys with marked respect. The latter arc often gravely consulted and their advice accepted as if they were men. The women are as a rule kindly treated. The majority of the men have one wife, but some of the older ones have two wives, having taken
16
the second before the wars with the whites, which were more fatal to the women than to the men. Separa-tion rarely occurs after a woman has borne children. On the Verde Reservation the men outnumbered the women, and the scarcity of the latter led to prostitution, the young men appropriating the widows. They also stole women from the Tontos and Apaches for the purpose of debauching them, wrestling with one another for the precedence.
The women assume the duties of wives at about the age of fifteen. The marriage form is a very simple one, the man, after coming to an understanding with the girt, makes her parents a present, usually a buck-skin or two, to obtain their consent, then goes and lives with her, becoming a member of her family. Very rarely a girl is given away without her consent, when if she is not docile, she is beaten and forced to the bidding of her husband.
For two years in succession I observed that in August and September the women solicited the attentions of the men, and an unusual number of couples were seen with their heads hidden in a blanket caressing each other. The majority of the children were born in the spring.
The woman assumes a squatting posture during labor* and is assisted by an old woman, who squats behind her and makes steady gentle compression with hands clasped over the abdomen, following the uterus down, or, if labor be difficult, exerting considerable force to expel the foetus, or raising and shaking the woman up and down. The cord is cut about one inch from the child's body and tied with a string. After her delivery, the woman draws a roll of buckskin snugly around her waist, attires herself in a new buckskin skirt, and resumes her ordinary duties. Her diet is restricted to soup and mescal-water for three or four days, or until the first milk, which is thought not to be good for the child, has been rubbed out of the breast. They are occasionally afflicted with, inflamed breasts, as is indicated by the custom of holding the breasts over a hot stone and pressing some of the milk out to fall upon it. They say that a woman once neglected to take this precaution, and her breasts become very sore, and had at length to be cut open with a sharp stone by a medicine-man to let out the pus. The A-Vuma mothers for several months bind on the infant's breast-bone a buckskin bag, from two and a half to three inches square, filled with earth, and are frequently seen pressing in the bone with their hands. They all pierce their children's ears, using for the purpose a sharp fire-hardened piece of wood. The reason for these customs the ore unable to give.
Children are usually quite large before they are named, and often fully grown, and until then are known as si’-ti (one), or as the girl or boy of a certain man.
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* This is also the posture taken by loyal Indians while micturating.
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Adults do not always know the names by which others designate them, or else are ashamed to tell, as frequently a man when asked his name will turn to a bystander and ask him to tell it. The names are usually descriptive of physical or mental peculiarities, or notable acts of the persons to whom they arc applied. Occasionally a man gives himself a name. One name may cling to an individual through life, but usually he acquires a new one for every striking deed he performs. After a new one is received the old one is often forgotten. A collection of the names of a man sometimes constitutes a sketch of his life.
The head of each family formerly governed his immediate relatives in patriarchal style, being guided by the medicine-men in important matters. After their subjection, the tribes were divided into bands, and a chief was appointed over each, but it was only by force that the people were brought to recognize the authority given to these men. Permanent war-chiefs were not known, but whenever a number of families united in an expedition they followed some man who had proved himself brave, or had met with success on a former occasion. Medicine-men accompanied them to advise them and incite them to deeds of bravery, but did not themselves take part in the fights. The parties usually went out to revenge the death of a relative, male or female, and thus fulfill what they considered a sacred duty. They depended upon surprise and superior numbers for success. Their attacks were made early in the morning while the enemy were sleeping, or they lay in ambush and dashed suddenly upon them in order that they might get close enough to use their favorite weapon, the club. They resorted to the bow and arrow when unable to arrive at close quarters. At Date Creek and the Verde Agency many of them carried flint-lock and other old muskets which they procu-red in trade from the Navajos and Moquis. They kill all men and grown boys, taking only women and children prisoners and sometimes in retaliation killing these also. They sometimes mutilate the dead, but never take scalps.
The war-club is the shape of the beetle commonly used by wood-choppers. It is made of a piece of mezquit wood, and is about fourteen inches long, the head usually being painted black and the handle red. Their bow is made of willow or mezquit and the string of twisted sinew. The length is about four feet but varies according to the height of the individual using it. They have two kinds of arrows, those made of cane a-ta' pointed with a piece of hard wood, to be used in hunting small game, and those made of the stem of the arrow bush ha-ta-wit' pointed with stone or iron heads, to be used in hunting large game, and in war. The arrow-head is set in a shallow notch at the end of the shaft and held in place by means of a thin shred of sinew wound in the form of a figure 8.
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As long as the sinew remains dry, the head is secure, but if wet, it soon becomes soft, and for this reason efforts made to withdraw an arrow from a wound almost invariably result in the detachment of the shaft, and "the loss of the head in the wound. The plume is about six inches long and is put on spirally, the three pieces of which it is formed making one-fourth of a turn around the shank. They poisoned their war-arrows in the following manner: The skinned and dried head of a rattlesnake was powdered on a stone and mixed with clotted blood, salt, and a liquid squeezed from large red ants, or the ants themselves dried and powdered. After this mixture has been allowed to stand for a time, it was carefully smeared on the arrow-heads with a piece of buck-skin, and in order to distinguish them from arrows not treated in this manner, they were dipped into a stinking liquid obtained by crushing certain leaves.
Nearly every family has its shaman or medicine-man who belongs to an order, the members of which are regarded with veneration and awe, on account of their supposed intimacy with supernatural beings. They have unbounded influence over the people through the superstitions which they impart to them. They are selected from the males above the age of fifteen by the spirits, they say, who frequently manifest their choice in strange ways. A young man was once pointed out to me as one who was probably in commu-nication with the spirits, and would become a medicine-man, as he sometimes bled from the mouth, and was in the habit of wandering off by himself. It was said that once after an absence of some days in midwinter he returned with an unfamiliar flower, which he must have brought from a distant and warmer country. I afterward saw him in a fainting fit, caused by hemorrhage from the lungs, for which they would
allow nothing to be done, as he was thought to be in communion with the spirits. The medicine-men profess to be on familiar terms with the spirits, each one having his twin or familiar, whose assistance he procures to enable him to counteract the influence of evil and less powerful spirits. When a spirit has selected a man, it appears to him in a dream, and attaches itself to him as his counsellor and guide. It conducts him on a long journey east through the spirit land, in order to initiate him into its mysteries. This journey consumed several nights, the spirit returning night after night, providing the man be found worthy, to continue it until completed. His faith, secrecy, and endurance are tested on these occasions. Soon after they start, a great mountain intercepts them, and those meet him who endeavor to turn him back by telling him that the journey is a perilous one, and that the mountain is too high for him to cross, and he cannot go through it, as it is solid rock, but the spirit encourages him and informs him it is only earth and he can go through it.
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If he has faith in what the spirit tells him, and makes the attempt, he easily penetrates the mountain. Beyond it they have to cross eight parallel rivers. They then enter a delightful country, the abode of spirits, who occupy houses which face the rising sun. Farther "on he visits the beautiful and silent woman, who lives alone in a round white house, the roof of which is formed of the rainbow, and the door faces the cast and sparkles under the rays of the rising sun. Here he sees many beautiful rattles and is taught the use of them. He at length reaches sunrise and beholds the all-wise and truthful spirit Se-ma'-che who dwells there. From him he learns how to cure pain, heal wounds, make charms, etc. The man is bound to secrecy until he reaches sunrise, when his journey ends, and he is at liberty to proclaim himself a medicine man or pa-se-ma'che. After this his familiar visits him only when he invokes its aid in chants, accompanied by the rattling of a gourd containing some pebbles. The smoking of certain weeds constitutes an important part of the invocation.
All the medicine-men meet occasionally and with considerable ceremony "make medicine." They went through this performance early in the summer of 1874 at the Rio Verde Agency, for the purpose of averting the diseases with which the people had been afflicted the summer previous. In the middle of one of the villages they erected a ramada, or brush hut, some ten feet in diameter, and under it, on the sand, illustrated the spirit land in a picture about seven feet across, made in colors by sprinkling powdered leaves, grass, red clay, charcoal, and ashes on the smooth sand. In the centre was a round red spot, about ten inches in diameter, and around it several successive rings, alternately green and red, each one being an inch and a half wide. From the outer one radiated four somewhat triangular shaped figures, each corresponding to one of the cardinal points, giving the whole the appearance of a Maltese cross. Around this cross and between
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its arms were the figures of men, their feet toward the center, some made of charcoal with ashes for eyes and hair, others of red clay and ashes, etc. These figures were eight or nine inches long, and nearly all of them lacked some portion of the body, as an arm, or leg, or head. The medicine-men seated themselves on the ground in a circle around the picture and the Indians of the different bands crowded about them, the old men squatting close by and the young ones standing back of them. After they had invoked the aid of the spirits, in a number of chants, one of their number—apparently the oldest—a toothless, gray-haired man, solemnly arose, and carefully stepping between the figures of the men, dropped on all except three of them, a pinch of yellow powder which lie took from a small buckskin bag handed to him by one of the others. He put the powder on the head, chest, or other part of the body, one of the other men sometimes telling him where to put it. After going all around, he put up the bag and then went around again and took from each figure a large pinch of powder, including some of the yellow, until he had collected a heaping handful. He then stepped back and each of the other medicine men collected a handful in the same manner. Some of the laymen, in their eagerness to get some of the consecrated powder, pressed forward, but they were ordered back. When all the medicine-men had supplied themselves, the ramada was torn down and a rush was made by men and boys, who grabbed handfuls of the powder and rubbed it or their bodies or carried it away. The women and children, who were waiting for an invitation, were then called. They crowded to the spot, and grabbing handfuls of the powder, tossed it up in the air and stood under it as it fell, or they rubbed their bodies with it, mothers throwing it over their children and rubbing it on their heads. This ended the performance. The medicine-men afterward made and sold small crosses containing some of the powder. Each cross was formed of two pieces of wild cane about two inches long, wrapped with red and blue yarn, and tied together.
They attributed diseases and injuries to the influence of evil spirits, who work their mischief on the men through the women. They rarely prescribe medicines, but deal largely in charms. When these do not appear to to be efficacious, the medicine-man sings over the sick or wounded, keeping time with his rattle, to summon his familiar. He stops to rest now and then, smoking in the intervals. He frequently sings all night, and sometimes for several nights in succession. Occasionally an assistant makes responses. Should the patient be a man the result of the incantations is that some woman, usually that of an unfaithful wife or a prostitute, is charged with having bewitched him, and the one so charged is tied to a tree by the relatives of the patient, to await the result of the case. If he should die she is stoned to death. To learn whether or not a
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patient will recover, the medicine-man says he swallows a live coal and then ejects it into the air; if still alive when it falls to the ground, the patient will recover, if black he will die. Or he swallows a pipe which has, been filled with tobacco and lighted. It works out of his body, usually from an arm or a leg, and if white, the prognosis is good, but if colored, it is bad.
A sick man may be recognized by the buckskin string which he ties around an arm or a leg, but oftenest around the latter just below the knee to prevent his strength from running out.
They were free from venereal affections until a band of Indians under Chemehuevi Sal were sent to the Agency from the Colorado river in 1874. The women had been debauched by the whites on the river, and were nearly all infected. In a few months after their arrival venereal diseases had become prevalent, and since then have proved a scourge to these tribes.
They suck arrow and gun-shot wounds as soon as possible after their infliction, and believe that the latter like the former are poisoned. They afterward blow into them as an antidote a red powder, which is said to be obtained from the root of a plant that grows in the red-rock country near the Verde River. When much swelling and pain occur, they make scarifications around the wound and suck them. I have seen extensive emphysema of the neck and upper part of the chest produced by suction in a case of wound of the summit of the chest.* The friends of a wounded man invariably smear some of his blood upon themselves. Their sick and wounded are transported upon their backs in the cone-shaped baskets. They make use of dry earth as a dressing for running sores, which they completely cover with it in order to absorb all discharges, and the women introduce large plugs of clay into the girl thingy for discharges from it. Scarification is practiced for the relief of pain, and there is scarcely an Indian but has scars on his body remaining from the operation. In the case of a woman who was suffering with severe pain in her right thigh, the operation was performed as follows: After she had tied a deer skin snugly around the upper part of her thigh, and seated herself upon the ground with the leg flexed under the thigh, the medicine man chose a sharp flake of quartz from a number of pieces he had with him, and, beginning at the upper part of the thigh made eight or ten shallow cuts about one-third of an inch to an inch and a half in length and about one-third of an inch apart. He then, with the outer edge of his hand and a smooth stick, brushed off the blood as it oozed in drops from the cuts, and blew mouthfuls of water in a spray upon them until they ceased to bleed, when he made more cuts lower down and treated them in a similar manner. He continued to scarify until he had made over one hundred cuts, and drawn about six fluid ounces of blood.
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*The Tonto Apaches, when wounded, wear a buckskin shirt bearing various painted figures,, or they fasten around the waist the figure of a lizard cut out or buckskin.
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For slight cuts and bruises they lay a piece of the dried skin of the Gila monster upon a coal of fire and hold the injured part in the smoke arising from it. A fractured limb is placed in a splint made of numerous slender sticks, which arc tied together in a row and then bound around the limb. They suck rattlesnake bites, and apply a powder of some kind as an antidote, but do not claim it is a specific, admitting that the bite sometimes proves fatal.
They make use of numerous charms, some of which are to render them invulnerable in war, and others to insure success in hunting, gambling, and affairs of love. The fangs of the rattlesnake ward off arrows and bullets. Before engaging in a game of chance the hands are scratched with them, and they are sometimes introduced into the pole with which their favorite game of tu’rebi is played. Great secrecy is observed in using them, to prevent the use of a countercharm by the other side. A bezoar from the stomach of a deer gives the possessor of it good luck in hunting, and happy is the hunter who finds one. Crosses and the rattles of the rattlesnake are tied to a lock of the hair to prevent and cure pain in the head. Little wooden figures representing men, arc worn by many tied to the belt. Quartz crystals give good luck. All green stones possess peculiar virtues, and are treasured by the medicine-men. Many of the people make beads of various roots to string around the neck and eat when sick.
The Apache-Mojaves sometimes resort to the Tonto medicine men to receive the rattlesnake treatment for the relief of pain. At the Agency one day, the rattling of a snake attracted my attention, and on approaching a group of Indians from which the sound seemed to proceeds, I found a medicine-man squatting down holding a large rattlesnake in his right hand, the thumb and index of which encircled it close to its head, while he gently stroked its back with his left. Presently an old man advanced to him, and, saying he had pain in his head, squatted on the ground. The medicine-man arose, and, placing himself behind his patient, coiled the snake around his head, and, while holding it there, uttered a gutteral chant, occasionally causing the snake to vibrate its rattles. He then quickly uncoiled the snake and swung it head foremost away from the man's head, at the same time making the sound wisht. The man then pointed to his right arm, and the medicine-man laid the snake along the limb, its head resting on the hand. He chanted again, caused it to rattle and swung it away as before. The old man arose and with a satisfied air walked away. Other patients succeeded him to have the snake laid on various parts of the body. After a time the medicine-man rested the
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snake on the ground again, and, still retaining his hold of it with his right hand, put a pinch of yellow pollen into its mouth with his left, and rubbed some along its belly. He then held his hand out to a man, who took a pinch of the powder and rubbed it on the crown of a boy's head. Yellow pollen treated in this manner is a common remedy for headache, and may frequently be seen on the crown of the head of men and boys.
The medicine-men are consulted for the purpose of recovering lost or stolen property. A Yavape Indian related to me how one of them found for him a blanket that had been stolen from his uwah. He first resented the man with a buckskin, then described the blanket, told him where he had left it, and on what night it was taken. The man went to sleep in order to question his familiar. He had instructed three Indians that when he clapped his hands they must hold him to the ground, with his arms extended at right angles with his body, so that when the spirit came it could not carry him off. They did as he directed, and when he awoke he said that the blanket had been pulled out of the back of the uwah by a man who buried it in a hole which he had dug in his own uwah, and left it there until the following night, when he dug it up and went in a round about way to a certain tree quite a distance off, in which he hid it among the branches. The Indian went to the tree indicated and in it found his blanket.
The dead are disposed of by cremation. The body is laid upon some sticks of wood, and enough piled upon it to consume it. Ashes and a few small pieces of calcined bone are all that remain on the site of the fire. If the death occurs in a hut, the fire is built inside, and the hut, together with everything in it, is burned along with the body. When a death is anticipated the precaution is sometimes taken to remove valuable articles, not usually those of Indian manufacture however, but only such as have been procured from the whites. If there is no relatives to carry the wood for a pyre, the body is left where death occurred. Bodies left in this manner dry up and become mummified. They buried the body of a man in the ground at the
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Verde Agency when ordered by their agent to do so, but they did it under protest. They dislike very much to touch, or even go near a corpse, and especially if the death has been caused by disease. As soon as death is announced, all the huts in the immediate neighborhood are deserted, and often burned. For several weeks afterward the female relatives of the deceased wail at intervals, sitting on the ground with their heads bowed between their knees rocking themselves back and forth, and whenever they meet any one they break forth into lamentations. Men cut their hair short as a sign of mourning. It is believed that the spirits of the dead wander about at night, and the dread, of encountering them is so great that no one willingly walks abroad after dark, but if compelled to go carries a torch or sings in a loud voice. They dislike to speak of the dead, and will not mention his name, but refer to him indirectly and usually in a whisper.
They do not endure physical pain any better, if as well, as the whites. Great or continuous pain renders them stupid, and oftentimes delirious, and the stolidity with which Indians in general are credited is not well maintained by them under small surgical operations, the one of tooth extracting almost always eliciting a groan or a yell. The expression of their faces cannot always be seen on account of paint and their long hair, but when not concealed by these, the changes induced by the emotions may readily be detected; anger is almost always betrayed by the expression of the eyes; fear by the dirty grayish color the skin assumes; surprise by suddenly drawing in a breath as if gasping, and sometimes also by covering the mouth with one hand. They rarely point with the finger, but raise the chin and pout the lips toward the object. In beckoning to a person to approach they raise a hand with the palm forward, high up when the person is far off, and then swing it forward and downward.
The medicine-men say that the earth is flat, round and stationary. Below it there is another region similar to it in all respects. The sun has a diurnal motion. In the morning it rises from just below the earth, crosses over to the west, sinks a little below the earth, and then makes its way north and around to the east again. The moon stands still, but all of the stars move. Many of the latter have names, and some of them have myths connected with them. The three stars of the second magnitude in Orion's belt (* * *) are called mu- u' or mountain sheep, formerly they ware further apart, and the middle one (E) was the hindermost, but having been shot at by the hunter, who with his dog is chasing them, he jumped over the one (T) that was then in the middle. The hunter, the dog, and the arrow are constellations in the neighborhood of Orion. Their year begins at the seed-gathering time in September, and they count the moons, until the next seed-time.
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Yavapes tell of a wonderful spring in the red-rock country on the Verde river north of Fort Verde, near which they once lived. It wells up into a basin worn in the solid rock, beneath a chimney like opening which extends through the whole thickness of a high overhanging rock. A spirit guards it, and withdraws the water whenever he hears a human being approach. Any one who wishes to obtain water from it must steal up and dip quickly so as to take the water-spirit by surprise, otherwise the water will sink out of sight. If during a drouth any one wishes to produce rain and can succeed in getting some of the water, and throwing it" to a certain point high up on the rock the clouds will surely gather soon and rain begin to fall.
Wm, H. Corbusier, M. D., U. S. A.

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Yavapai Women and child from Camp Date Creek

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